937 resultados para Shifting Powers


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ABSTRACT This paper aims to analyze the concept of emerging power established to the understanding of international affairs. The work observes that the use of the lexicon emerging - regarding to markets, countries or powers - as qualifier for a range of international relations phenomena became a constituent part of the matter. In spite of that, the empirical denotation of the predicate is ahead of the amount of efforts on its theoretical contextualization. Our methodological hypothesis is that the rational denial of the concepts prevailing connotative spectrum by acknowledging the embedded wisdom about cognate phenomena synthesizes a theoretical framework on its accurate use.

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The return of the Porkkala naval base, which was leased to the Soviet Union at the end of World War II was unexpectedly returned in early 1956, 42 years before the USSR's lease on the area was to expire. There is no commonly accepted reason, and therefore the purpose of this work is to study the possible motives behind the return of Porkkala. These seem to have been reflected in the new foreign policy after the death of Stalin, which went far beyond returning Porkkala to Finland. The Soviet Union's courting of the non-aligned powers during this time, into which category Finland was assigned, also seems to be more than coincidence. However, the greater events of 1956, and the fact that Porkkala is remembered almost exclusively in Finland may have conspired to trap the events around Porkkala into the smaller narrative of Finnish-Soviet relations and the rise of Kekkonen to the presidency, due in no small part to his presence in negotiating the return of Porkkala. However this does not negate the message that Porkkala was intended to broadcast the USSR's new approach to neutrality. Through primary and secondary sources, gleaned from archives in Finland, memoirs of people involved, and historical literature, this thesis hopes to broaden the view that Porkkala's main and only significance lay in the changes it brought to Finnish-Soviet relations.

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Kirjallisuusarvostelu

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Back Row: Paul Jackson (Asst. Coach), Paul DeGagne (Manager), Angelo Pontello, Yvan Prevost, Greg Foy, Ken Murray, Steve Ashfield, Rick Berard, Andy MacMillan, Kelly Toppazzini, Carl Van Bolderen, John Dakin, Loran Prentice, Joe Kenny (Trainer), Ron Anderson (Coach) Front Row: Logan Trafford, Mark Warren, Pat Gallagher, Phil Powers, Daryl Clancy, Ted Sawicki, Gord Christie, John Hogg, Brian Onifrichuk, Doug Riopelle, Shawn Barry Absent: Paul Hanley, Brad MacMillan, Rico Schirru, Mike Quinn (Asst. Coach)

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During the 1980's and for much of the 1990's, many countries in the Asia Pacific were renowned for their economic development and prosperity. The Asian tigers were a source of great interest for many economists and international investors. The 1997 Asian financial crisis, however, dramatically altered the growth and the performance of these economies. The crisis sent several ofAsia's best performing economies on a downward spiral from which many have yet to fully recover. The crisis exposed the financial and the political weaknesses ofmany countries in the region. Moreover, the crisis severely affected the wellbeing and the security ofmany ofthe region's citizens. This text will examine the economic crisis in greater detail and explore current debates in the study of international relations theory. More specifically, this paper will examine recent challenges posed to traditional international relations theory and address alternative approaches to this field of study. This paper will examine Critical theory and its role in shifting the referent object of security from the state to the individual. In this context, this paper will also assess Critical theory's role in enabling such issues as gender and human security to find a place on the agendas of international relations scholars and foreign policy makers. The central focus ofthis study will be the financial crisis and its impact on human security in the Southeast Asia. Furthermore, this paper will assess the recovery efforts ofthe domestic governments, international organizations and various Canadian sponsored initiatives in the context ofhuman security.

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A study of intergovernmental relations in the area of the environment will determine whether the current Canadian federal structure represents a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. This paper examines the interjurisdictional quagmire that has developed from the fact that authority over the environment is a functionally concurrent field for the two orders of government. A history of federal-provincial relations in the area of environmental protection is followed by an analysis of the advantages and disadvantages associated with competitive and cooperative federalism. For the purpose of this paper, cooperative federalism is characterized by the presence of a formal institutional system to facilitate interaction between politicians and bureaucrats from both orders of government. Competitive federalism is defined as a system that lacks a formal institutional structure to promote discussion and coordination between federal and provincial officials in a specific field of interest. Last, I examine thirty sustainable development issues following the structure established in Agenda 21 to determine the impact of the present federal system on the development of these objectives. This study concludes that Canadian federalism is not a dangerous impediment to the promotion of sustainable development. Cooperative federalism in a form that does not eliminate the ability of governments to revert to competition promotes the emergence of an institutional system that facilitates information-sharing and discussion between the two orders of government, thus leading to coordinated efforts in the field of the environment. Respect for the current division of powers in this area is also essential to the cohesiveness of Canadian society. Policy-makers and advocates for a sustainable society should focus on working within the present system.

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Nothing today affects the lives of people in countries throughout the industrialized and developing world as much as international trade. Nowhere is this more true than in Canada. Canada's involvement in international trade has a long history dating back to 1854 when it was a British colony. As a major trading country, Canada has always adopted a proactive industrial policy which has been largely responsible for its relative economic prosperi ty. But, wi th businesses now free to invest and divest under the terms of the CUFTA and the NAFTA, the most fundamental concerns for Canadians, in a borderless world, are what powers will the Canadian government have to shape industrial policy, and to what extent can Canada continue as a viable nationstate if it can no longer control its national economy? These are important concerns because, in world without borders, the adjustment process becomes more volatile and more difficult to manage. The CUFTA and the NAFTA not only create the rules for conducting trade, but they also establish a set of new rules for the Canadian government that will diminish its power. As a member of a new North American trading bloc, Canada will find itself subject to a set of forces requiring analysis beyond participation in a conventional free trade area. Because many of the traditional levers of government will now be subject to external control imposed by these agreements, Canada will not be able to mount certain policies in the future that it has relied on in the past. This reality limits the pro-active role of the Canadian state to use policies and programmes for the country's immediate national development. What this thesis attempts is an examination of the evolution of Canadian industrial policy, in effect, the transi tion from Fordism to Neoconservatism, and an assessment of Canada's future as a nation-state as it tries to find security and improved access in a free trade arrangement. Unless Canada takes steps to neutralize the asymmetry of power between itself and the United States through adjustment programmes, it is the contention of this thesis that its economic future is anything but stable.

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The relationship between child temperament and parenting factors in the development of prosocial behavior during the toddler years was investigated by examining children's helping behaviors and responses to the distress of others as observed and as reported by mothers and teachers. These behaviors were linked to the sociability, emotionality, and attention shifting of toddlers. Children who are relatively high in characteristics such as language skills and sociability appear more likely to exhibit competent prosocial behaviors than children who are relatively low in these skills. Prosocial competence was also linked to maternal comfort, maternal control over children's emotions, and family expressiveness, although the latter two variables related to children's behaviors differently, depending on whether children were low or high in emotional intensity.

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Abstract . Rights jiirisprudence in Canada dates back as far as Confederation in 1867. Between this date and 1982, the organizing principle of Confederation - federalism - has kept this jurisprudence solely within the supremacy of Parliament, subject to its confines and division of powers. After 1982, however, a new constitutional organizing principle was introduced, when Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau introduced the patriation initiative, touted as the "people's package". Individual rights and freedoms were now guaranteed by the Constitution. Citizens of Canada now had a direct link to the Constitution via the Charter and there were now two significantly different organizing principles within the constitutional order widch created an unstable coexistence. This instability has led to a clash between judicially enforced Charter rights and federalism. The Charter has since had both a nationalizing and centralizing effect on Canadian federalism. This thesis explores the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada fix)m Confederation to present day by comparing the jurisprudence of pre and post Charter Canada. An analysis of Supreme Court's (and its predecessor's, the JCPC) decisions shows the profound effect the Charter has had on Canadian federalism. The result has been an undermining of federalism in Canada, with Parliamentary Supremacy replaced by Constitutional supremacy, and ultimately. Judicial Supremacy. Moreover, rights discourse has largely replaced federalism discourse. Canadians have become very attached to their Charter, and are unwilling to allow any changes to the constitution that may affect their rights as political elites discovered the hard way after the collapse of the Meech and Charlottetown Accords. If federalism is to remain a relevant and viable organizing principle in the Constitution, then governments, especially at the provincial level, must find new and iimovative ways to assert their importance within the federation.

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This qualitative study explored secondary teachers' perceptions of scheduling in relation to pedagogy, curriculum, and observation of student learning. Its objective was to determine the best way to organize the scheduling for the delivery of Ontario's new 4-year curriculum. Six participants were chosen. Two were teaching in a semestered timetable, 1 in a traditional timetable, and 3 had experience in both schedules. Participants related a pressure cooker "lived experience" with weaker students in the semester system experiencing a particularly harsh environment. The inadequate amount of time for review in content-heavy courses, gap scheduling problems, catch-up difficulties for students missing classes, and the fast pace of semestering are identified as factors negatively impacting on these students. Government testing adds to the pressure by shifting teachers' time and attention in the classroom from deeper learning to a superficial coverage of material, from curriculum as lived to curriculum as text to be covered. Scheduling choice should be available in public education to accommodate the needs of all students. Curriculum guidelines need to be revamped to reflect the content that teachers believe is necessary for a successful course delivery. Applied level courses need to be developed for students who are not academically inferior but learn differently.

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The rate of decrease in mean sediment size and weight per square metre along a 54 km reach of the Credit River was found to depend on variations in the channel geometry. The distribution of a specific sediment size consist of: (1) a transport zone; (2) an accumulation zone; and (3) a depletion zone. These zones shift downstream in response to downcurrent decreases in stream competence. Along a .285 km man-made pond, within the Credit River study area, the sediment is also characterized by downstream shifting accumulation zones for each finer clast size. The discharge required to initiate movement of 8 cm and 6 cm blocks in Cazenovia Creek is closely approximated by Baker and Ritter's equation. Incipient motion of blocks in Twenty Mile Creek is best predicted by Yalin's relation which is more efficient in deeper flows. The transport distance of blocks in both streams depends on channel roughness and geometry. Natural abrasion and distribution of clasts may depend on the size of the surrounding sediment and variations in flow competence. The cumulative percent weight loss with distance of laboratory abraded dolostone is defined by a power function. The decrease in weight of dolostone follows a negative exponential. In the abrasion mill, chipping causes the high initial weight loss of dolostone; crushing and grinding produce most of the subsequent weight loss. Clast size was found to have little effect on the abrasion of dolostone within the diameter range considered. Increasing the speed of the mill increased the initial amount of weight loss but decreased the rate of abrasion. The abrasion mill was found to produce more weight loss than stream action. The maximum percent weight loss determined from laboratory and field abrasion data is approximately 40 percent of the weight loss observed along the Credit River. Selective sorting of sediment explains the remaining percentage, not accounted for by abrasion.

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This investigation comprises a comparison of experimental and theoretical dechanneling of MeV protons in copper single crystals. Dechanneling results when an ion's transverse energy increases to the value where the ion can undergo small impact parameter collisions with individual atoms. Depth dependent dechanneling rates were determined as functions of lattice temperature, ion beam energy and crystal axis orientation. Ion beam energies were IMeV and 2MeV,temperatures ranged from 35 K to 280 K and the experiment was carried out along both the (lOa) and <110) axes. Experimental data took the form of aligned and random Rutherford backscattered energy spectra. Dechanneling rates were extracted from these spectra using a single scattering theory that took explicit account of the different stopping powers experienced by channeled and dechanneled ions and also included a correction factor to take into account multiple scattering effects along the ion's trajectory. The assumption of statistical equilibrium and small angle scattering of the channeled ions allows a description of dechanneling in terms of the solution of a diffusion like equation which contains a so called diffusion function. The diffusion function is shown to be related to the increase in average transverse energy. Theoretical treatments of increase in average transverse energy due to collisions of projectiles with channel electrons and thermal perturbations in the lattice potential are reviewed. Using the diffusion equation and the electron density in the channel centre as a fitting parameter dechanneling rates are extracted. Excellent agreement between theory and experiment has been demonstrated. Electron densities determined in the fitting procedure appear to be realistic. The surface parameters show themselves to be good indicators of the quality of the crystal.

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The optical conductivity of the Anderson impurity mode l has been calculated by emp l oying the slave boson technique and an expansion in powers of l i N, where N is the d egeneracy o f the f electron level . This method has been used to find the effective mass of the conduction electrons for temperatures above and below the Kondo tempera ture. For low temperatures, the mass enhancement is f ound to be large while a t high t emperatures, the mass enhancement is sma ll. The conductivity i s f ound to be Drude like with frequency dependent effective mass and scattering time for low independent effective mass and temperatures and scattering time f requency for high t emperatures. The behavior of both the effective mass and the conductivity is in qualitative agreement with experimental r esul t s .

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The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.