907 resultados para Reactive Power Control
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Since the Party of Regions took power in Ukraine, the process of strengthening the executive branch of government at the expense of the others, together with the instrumental use of the law, has been progressing steadily. By seeking to restrict criticism of the government, the ruling party is aiming at marginalisation of opposition groups and establishing informal control over the main media (largely by exerting pressure on their owners). The role of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) is growing, as it is used increasingly frequently to put pressure on Western-oriented NGOs. The government’s control over the judiciary is expanding. These trends had existed before the Party of Regions’ ascension to power, but they were much weaker, as the previous governments did not enjoy such a strong position or the ability to achieve their ends so efficiently. The Party of Regions is planning to take another step towards total power during the local elections scheduled for October 2010. The party is determined to establish control over the local self-governments; to this end, it has amended the legislation in a way which now undermines local civil initiatives. These changes not only illustrate the interests and political standpoint of the ruling elite; they also result from systemic reasons, and these are deeply rooted in the Soviet past. The present Ukrainian state has evolved through the evolutionary transformation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. As a result, the main features of the previous system have been sustained, including the weakness of the representative bodies and the instrumental use of the law. Twenty years into its independent development, Ukraine has developed a merely formal democracy, which is distant from EU standards.
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Even though the economic crisis proved harmful to the Russian economy and people's living standards, it has nonetheless failed to make the elite revise its policy. Despite some problems, the government has managed to sustain economic and political stability, thanks to the reserves it amassed in the times of prosperity, and to the propaganda campaign that protected it, above all Vladimir Putin. The crisis failed to force the elite to implement deeper structural and political reforms. Moreover, it has actually reinforced existing tendencies, such as state control over the economy and its oil-oriented character, the elite's economic expansion at the expense of private businesses, and the preservation of political power. Thus, the crisis has so far failed to dismantle Putinism, indeed quite the reverse - it has in fact contributed to its becoming 'set in stone'.
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During Russian PM Dmitry Medvedev’s working visit to Minsk on 18 July, Russia and Belarus signed a general contract for the construction of a nuclear power plant in Belarus. The signature brought to an end the complex negotiations which had been underway since January 2009 involving the leadership in Minsk, the Russian government and Atomstroyexport, the Russian company that will be the main contractor of the investment. However, the power plant’s future ownership structure, management arrangements and terms and conditions of profit sharing remain unclear. The Belarusian leadership hopes that with the launch of the nuclear power plant, it will be able to reduce gas imports from Russia, gas being the main resource used in producing heat and electricity in Belarus. This should in turn reduce the costs of energy generation. In addition, Minsk expects that the new investment will allow it to export electricity surpluses to the European Union, including Poland. Agreements concerning the power plant have been concluded over the last year or so and, according to these, Russia has acquired partial control of the Belarusian electricity grid, especially with regard to the transmission of energy to foreign markets. Russia is also the sole creditor and contractor for the investment, and the sole future provider of nuclear fuel. Therefore, implementation of the project will exacerbate Minsk’s already significant dependence on Moscow in energy and political terms.
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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Office of Research and Development, Washington, D.C.
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"Work performed under Contract No. AT(45-1)-1350 between the Atomic Energy Commission and General Electric Company."
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Printed for the use of the Temporary National Economic Committee.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
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"Date published: August 1981."
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"DOE/EV-0046."
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Bibliography: p. 90-92.
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Rev. ed. of the Office of Environmental Assessments' Technology characterizations (1981). Includes 13 additional ECIRs (Environmental Characterization Information Reports).
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Senior thesis written for Oceanography 445
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Discoloration and mineralization of Reactive Red HE-3B were studied by using a laponite clay-based Fe nanocomposite (Fe-Lap-RD) as a heterogeneous catalyst in the presence of H2O2 and UV light. Our experimental results clearly indicate that Fe-Lap-RD mainly consists of Fe2O3 (meghemite) and Fe2Si4O10(OH)2 (iron silicate hydroxide) which have tetragonal and monoclinic structures, respectively, and has a high specific surface area (472m(2) / g) as well as a high total pore volume (0.547 cm(3)/g). It was observed that discoloration of HE-3B undergoes a much faster kinetics than mineralization of HE-3B. It was also found that initial HE-3B concentration, H2O2 concentration, UV light wavelength and power, and Fe-Lap-RD catalyst loading are the four main factors that can significantly influence the mineralization of HE-3B. At optimal conditions, complete discoloration of 100 mg/L HE-3B can be achieved in 30 min and the total organic carbon removal ratio can attain 76% in 120 min, illustrating that Fe-Lap-RD has a high photo-catalytic activity in the photo-assisted discoloration and mineralization of HE-3B in the presence of UV light (254nm) and H2O2. (C) 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The role of the board of directors in firm strategy has long been the subject of debate. However, research efforts have suffered from several deficiencies: the lack of an overarching theoretical perspective, reliance on proxies for the strategy role rather than a direct measure of it and the lack of quantitative data linking this role to firm financial performance. We propose a new theoretical perspective to explain the board's role in strategy, integrating organisational control and agency theories. We categorise a board's approach to strategy according to two constructs: strategic control and financial control. The extent to which either construct is favoured depends on contextual factors such as board power, environmental uncertainty and information asymmetry.