906 resultados para Partition of unity implicits


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Europe is in need of a new leadership capacity able to recreate stronger European unity in the external and internal fronts. Otherwise, anti-European forces will increase their influence and presence in European governments and EU institutions with large implications for the direction of European integration. This will be the central concern in making a first short assessment of the recent process of building European leadership capacity for the next five years to come. This assessment will particularly focus on the choice of the President of the European Commission, of the President of the European Council and, finally of the members of the European Commission.

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In 2000, Vladimir Putin came to power after nearly a decade of the rule of the first Russian president, Boris Yeltsin. As prime minister, and later as a candidate for president, Putin announced that he would reform the state. The main assumptions of this reform were presented during a congress of the pro-Kremlin Unity movement, in Putin's address entitled 'Russia at the turn of the millennium' which was delivered on 29 December 1999, and later in a open letter to voters published on 25 February 2000. Both declarations were rather general, but they gave a clear picture of the principal directions of and priority areas for the future president's efforts: they outlined Russia's development path as pro-market and democratic. Nearly seven years have passed since Vladimir Putin came to power, a time for a summary of his achievements. In a way, Vladimir Putin has partially delivered on his initial declarations; indeed, Russia has undergone a deep transformation. However, when seen in the light of the president’s initial promises, the changes appear to be no more than 'counter-reforms', because instead of putting into practice the policy he outlined seven years ago, they have largely followed a different, if not entirely opposite direction.

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In short, the European Union, as we know it, no longer exists. The very foundations on which it was built are eroding. Shared memories of the Second World War have faded away – half the 15- and 16-year-olds in German high schools do not know that Hitler was a dictator, while a third believe that he protected human rights. The collapse of the Soviet Union has stripped away the geopolitical rationale for European unity. The democratic welfare state that was at the heart of the post-war political consensus is under siege by, among other things, sheer demographics. And the prosperity that bolstered the European project’s political legitimacy is vanishing. More than six out of ten Europeans believe that the lives of today’s children will be more difficult than those of people from their own generation. Against this background, how unthinkable is the EU’s disintegration? Should Europeans make the mistake of taking the Union for granted? Should they assume that the Union would not collapse because it should not collapse? Here, Europe’s capacity to learn from the Soviet precedent could play a crucial part. For the very survival of the EU may depend on its leaders’ ability to manage a similar mix of political, economic and psychological factors that were in play in the process of the Soviet collapse. The game of disintegration is primarily a political one driven much more by the perceptions and misperceptions of the political actors than simply by the constellation of the structural factors – institutional and economic.

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In September 2015, Gazprom and major European energy companies (Germany's E.ON and BASF/Wintershall, Austria's OMV, France’s ENGIE and Royal Dutch Shell) signed an agreement to double the Nord Stream gas pipeline’s capacity by 2019. The plan is to transport up to 55 billion additional cubic meters of gas a year to Germany through the Baltic Sea, bypassing Ukraine and other Central-Eastern European countries.

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The negotiations between Greece and the EU and IMF tested the unity, limits, stamina and financial interdependence of eurozone member states. Greece emerged wounded from the fray, but Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras has established beyond doubt his dominance in Greek politics, in defiance of partisan competitors at home and his counterparts’ wishes in the rest of Europe. In this EPIN Commentary the authors argue that – beyond the political significance of SYRIZA’s third electoral victory in seven months – this vote of confidence brings certain characteristics of both Greek and EU politics into sharper relief. The high-risk political activism undertaken by Syriza’s leadership in the first half of 2015 has (re)opened the debate about what kind of EU we live in, and contributed to the creation of another type of discourse in Europe – one that has so far been the preserve of established elites.

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On 15 February 2016 Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for membership of the European Union. This was the result of the new policy strategy which the EU introduced in 2014, aimed at unblocking BiH’s integration process and encouraging local elites to accelerate the reform process. Despite a formal application to the EU, the main internal problems of BiH remain the same - local politicians focus more on the power struggle and enhancing ethnic division than on reform and this is hampering the economic development of one of the poorest countries in Europe. For these reasons this report is devoted to analysing the internal challenges to the stability, coherence and unity of the country. Special attention was also placed on examining the interest and strategies of the various international actors since they can hinder or support the reform process.

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When the new European Commission started work in autumn 2014, the president of the Commission took great pride in calling it a ‘political Commission’, which will be big on big things and small on small. Whilst the EU is currently dealing with many crises, reality is that things do not come much bigger than Nord Stream II. Will this be a political Commission that stands by its principles, including respect for liberty, democracy, the rule of law and human rights? Will this Commission have the backbone to politically assess a project that threatens EU unity and its core values, undermines the Union’s commonly agreed commitment to building an Energy Union and facilitates Russia’s aggression against Ukraine? President Juncker’s controversial visit to Russia and meeting with President Putin on 16-17 June is a test-case: will this Commission be ready to defend its commitments and principles when discussing ‘economic issues’?

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Species coexist using the same nutritional resource by partitioning it either in space or time, but few studies explore how species-specific nutritional requirements allow partitioning. Zaprionus indianus and Drosophila simulans co-exist in figs by invading the fruit at different stages; Z. indianus colonizes ripe figs, whereas D. simulans oviposits in decaying fruit. Larvae feed on yeast growing on the fruit, which serves as their primary protein source. Because yeast populations increase as fruit decays, we find that ripe fruit has lower protein content than rotting fruit. Therefore, we hypothesized that Z. indianus and D. simulans larvae differ in their dietary requirements for protein. We used nutritional geometry to assess the effects of protein and carbohydrate concentration in the larval diet on life history characters in both species. Survival, development time, and ovariole number respond differently to the composition of the larval diet, with Z. indianus generally performing better across a wider range of protein concentrations. Correspondingly, we found that Z. indianus females preferred to lay eggs on low protein foods, while D. simulans females chose higher protein foods for oviposition when competing with Z. indianus. We propose the different nutritional requirements and oviposition preference of these two species allows them to temporally partition their habitat.

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In clause is given robotic a complex for drilling and milling sandwich shells from polymeric composites. The machining of polymeric composite materials has technological problems. At drilling sandwich shells there is a probability of destruction of a drill from hit of the tool in a partition. The system sensibilization robotic complex for increase of reliability of work of the cutting tool of the small size is offered.

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A probabilistic function (integrated source contribution function, ISCF) based on backward air mass trajectory calculation was developed to track sources and atmospheric pathways of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) to the Canadian High Arctic station of Alert. In addition to the movement of air masses, the emission intensities at the sources and the major processes of partition, indirect photolysis, and deposition occurring on the way to the Arctic were incorporated into the ISCF. The predicted temporal trend of PAHs at Alert was validated by measured PAH concentrations throughout 2004. The PAH levels in the summer are orders of magnitude lower than those in the winter and spring when long-range atmospheric transport events occur more frequently. PAHs observed at Alert are mostly from East Asia (including Russia Far East), North Europe (including European Russia), and North America. These sources account for 25, 45, and 27% of PAHs atmospheric level at Alert, respectively. Source regions and transport pathways contributing to the PAHs contamination in the Canadian High Arctic vary seasonally. In the winter, Russia and Europe are the major sources. PAHs from these sources travel eastward and turn to the north at approximately 120°E before reaching Alert, in conjunction with the well- known Arctic haze events. In the spring, PAHs from Russia and Europe first migrate to the west and then turn to the north at 60°W toward Alert. The majority of PAHs in the summer are from northern Canada where they are carried to Alert via low- level transport pathways. In the fall, 70% of PAHs arriving at Alert are delivered from North American sources.

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negative # 10009-2, frame 26

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Introduction: Dominant ideas of modern study: unity, induction, evolution.--book I. Literary morphology: varieties of literature and their underlying principles.--book II. The field and scope of literary study.--book III. Literary evolution as reflected in the history of world literature.--book IV. Literary criticism: the traditional confusion and the modern reconstruction.--book V. Literature as a mode of philosophy.--book VI. Literature as a mode of art. Conclusion: the traditional and the modern study of literature. Syllabus. Works of the author. General index. Seventh impression, June, 1928

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Accompanied by "Supplement." (141 p. illus.) published: Homewood, Ill., Dorsey Press, 1963.

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--Harbingers of change.-- Martin Luther.-- Galileo Galilei.--Ludwig van Beethoven.-- James Watt.-- Thomas Hobbes.-- The new unity.

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Mode of access: Internet.