A magyar minimálbér-szabályozás és hatása a foglalkoztatásra, különösen 2000-től napjainkig (Minimum-wage regulation in Hungary and its impact on employment, with particular respect to the 2000’s)

Noha az 1990-es évek első felében felbomlott az akadémiai közgazdászok sok évtizeden át örök érvényűnek hitt közmegegyezése a minimálbér szükségképpen negatív foglalkoztatási hatásáról, a túlságosan magas minimálbért minden közgazdász foglalkoztatáscsökkentő hatásúnak jósolja. Tanulmányunkban a magyar minimálbér-szabályozást e hatás szempontjából vizsgáljuk és értékeljük. / === / Although the long-held view of an unambiguously negative employment effect of a binding minimum wage was challenged by empirical findings in the early 1990’s, it is unanimously predicted that if the minimum wage is set too high it will bring about adverse employment effects. Accordingly, our study starts from an evaluation of the magnitude of the Hungarian minimum wage, i.e., of how it relates to minimum wage rates elsewhere, and of how it has developed through time. Next we inspect the main features that characterize the Hungarian system of minimum wage regulation. Theoretical views on the potential employment effect of minimum wage regulation are then surveyed and contrasted to empirical findings. The study concludes by policy recommendations. To sum up the main strand of arguments, we try to demonstrate that even though Hungary’s minimum wage, if assessed by its ratio to average and/or median full-time earnings, does not appear particularly high by international standards, it might rightly be regarded as unreasonably high in light of Hungary’s excessively low relative rate of employment among the least schooled. This diagnose should become particularly evident once one takes into account that, in sharp contrast to established rules elsewhere, a significantly higher wage floor is in effect for those with lower secondary schooling. Abolition of this legally guaranteed premium over the minimum wage as well as more moderation in minimum wage adjustments are thus highly recommended.

A minimálbér költségvetési hatásai = The budgetary effects of the minimum wage

A minimálbér-emelés a munkapiacon közvetlenül hat a keresletre és a kínálatra. Közvetett hatásai azonban túlmutatnak a munkapiacon, ezért azokat egy makromodell keretei között elemezzük. A makromodellben háromféle munkafajta és tíz ágazat van; az egyes ágazatok az árképzésükben és az adó- és járulékelkerülésük szerkezetében különböznek. A minimálbér-emelés munkapiaci feszültséget generál: csökkenti a foglalkoztatást a szakképzetlenek körében. Mivel az árszint az átlagbérnél gyorsabban nő, és az aggregált foglalkoztatás is csökken, így csökken a reálfogyasztás. A vállalatok profitja és beruházása csökken, ugyanakkor a vállalati profit csökkenése már csekély mértékű adóelkerülés-növeléssel is kiegyensúlyozható. A minimálbér-emelés hatására nőnek ugyan az adóbevételek, viszont a kiadások nagyobb mértékben nőnek, így általában romlik az egyenleg. Aki tehát a minimálbér emelését követeli, annak a felelős döntés során számolnia kell ezekkel a következményekkel. _____ Raising the minimum wage on the labour market has direct effects on supply and demand. But its indirect effects extend beyond the labour market. They are analysed here with a macro model that distinguishes three types of work and ten industries, whose firms differ in their price structures and the degrees to which tax and social-insurance payments are avoided. Raising the minimum wage generates tension on the labour market and reduces employment of the unskilled. Since the price level rises faster than average pay and aggregate employment falls, so does real consumption. The firms’ profits and investment decline, but the former can be offset even by a small increase in tax avoidance. Although the rise in the minimum wage boosts tax revenues, budgetary expenditures rise more and the balance deteriorates. Advocates of a higher minimum wage need to consider these consequences if they are to reach a responsible decision.

Improving minimum rate predictors algorithm for compression of volumetric medical images

Medical imaging technologies are experiencing a growth in terms of usage and image resolution, namely in diagnostics systems that require a large set of images, like CT or MRI. Furthermore, legal restrictions impose that these scans must be archived for several years. These facts led to the increase of storage costs in medical image databases and institutions. Thus, a demand for more efficient compression tools, used for archiving and communication, is arising. Currently, the DICOM standard, that makes recommendations for medical communications and imaging compression, recommends lossless encoders such as JPEG, RLE, JPEG-LS and JPEG2000. However, none of these encoders include inter-slice prediction in their algorithms. This dissertation presents the research work on medical image compression, using the MRP encoder. MRP is one of the most efficient lossless image compression algorithm. Several processing techniques are proposed to adapt the input medical images to the encoder characteristics. Two of these techniques, namely changing the alignment of slices for compression and a pixel-wise difference predictor, increased the compression efficiency of MRP, by up to 27.9%. Inter-slice prediction support was also added to MRP, using uni and bi-directional techniques. Also, the pixel-wise difference predictor was added to the algorithm. Overall, the compression efficiency of MRP was improved by 46.1%. Thus, these techniques allow for compression ratio savings of 57.1%, compared to DICOM encoders, and 33.2%, compared to HEVC RExt Random Access. This makes MRP the most efficient of the encoders under study.

Les politiques de revenu minimum dans les provinces canadiennes : une étude comparée de l’aide sociale au Canada

L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’identifier les déterminants de la générosité de l’aide sociale au Canada. Plus précisément, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent les variations entre les montants d’aide sociale entre les provinces canadiennes de 1990 à 2009? Pourquoi le Québec, la Saskatchewan et Terre-Neuve-Labrador sont plus généreux que le Nouveau-Brunswick et l’Alberta? L’analyse de ces 10 politiques distinctes est produite à partir d’un cadre théorique quadripartite qui inclut le rôle des acteurs (partis politiques et syndicats), les traits institutionnels (dépenses publiques et engagement à la redistribution), les contraintes budgétaires (taux d’assistance sociale, dette, économie) et le rôle du gouvernement fédéral (montant et type de transfert). Les résultats démontrent que l’aide sociale est une politique hautement dépendante au sentier et incrémentale. Des transferts fédéraux à coût partagé et un taux de syndicalisation élevé sont des facteurs qui exercent une influence positive sur la générosité des provinces. À l’inverse, les partis de droite ainsi qu’une situation budgétaire difficile ont un impact négatif. Il faut noter que la richesse économique des provinces n’est pas associée à une plus grande générosité de l’aide sociale, au contraire les prestations d’aide sociale étaient plus faibles en 2009 qu’en 1990 malgré un PIB qui a presque doublé. De plus, des provinces riches comme l’Alberta et la Colombie-Britannique sont peu généreuses. Finalement, il faut noter que les partis politiques de gauche n’ont pas l’effet positif escompté sur la générosité des politiques de revenu minimum.

The cost of a minimum essential food basket in Northern Ireland : Pilot study for two household types

A good diet and adequate food supply is central to promoting health and wellbeing. A poor quality diet is associated with higher rates of chronic diseases such as type 2 diabetes, obesity, cardiovascular disease and certain cancers. Social and economic conditions impact on diet quality which in turn contributes to health inequalities. This relationship is recognised and addressed at a policy level in NI through the Fitter Future for all framework(1). Access to a healthy diet requires transport, money and skills such as budgeting and food preparation. Food is the most flexible aspect of the household budget due to the fact the consumers can meet hunger and calorie needs on cheaper, nutritionally-poor foods.

The cost of a minimum essential food basket in the Republic of Ireland: Study for six household types.

A Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) is derived from a negotiated consensus on what people believe is a minimum standard. It is a standard of living that meets an individual’s or a household’s physical, psychological and social needs. This is calculated by identifying the goods and services required by different household types in order to meet their needs. While an MESL is based on needs, not wants, it is a standard of living below which nobody should be expected to live. This report focuses on food, one of the 16 elements of the Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) data. It is based on a methodology called Consensual Budget Standards (CBS). The report is presented in the context of increasing concerns about the issue of food poverty in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and an increase in the number of people reporting that they do not have enough money to buy food. Recent data from The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have shown that the number of people believing they cannot afford food doubled from 4.2% in 2008 to 9% in 2014. Data from Eurostat show that in 2013, food and non-alcoholic beverage prices in Ireland were 17% higher than the EU average. Moreover, research by Carney and Maitre, using data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), found that one in ten people are living in food poverty in Ireland. Food poverty is defined as the inability to have an adequate and nutritious diet due to issues of affordability and access to food. This has related effects on health, culture and social participation. The 2013 data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) show that 1.4 million people, almost 31% of the population, suffer from deprivation. This means that they are unable to afford two items from a list of 11 very basic items (of which one is not being able to eat a meal with meat, chicken, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day). The highest levels of deprivation are experienced by lone parents (63%), unemployed people (55%) and people not at work because of illness or disability (53%). The experience of the Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice (VPSJ) is that expenditure on food tends to be one of the least important considerations when households are dealing with competing demands on an inadequate income. A Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) is derived from a negotiated consensus on what people believe is a minimum standard. It is a standard of living that meets an individual’s or a household’s physical, psychological and social needs. This is calculated by identifying the goods and services required by different household types in order to meet their needs. While an MESL is based on needs, not wants, it is a standard of living below which nobody should be expected to live. This report focuses on food, one of the 16 elements of the Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) data. It is based on a methodology called Consensual Budget Standards (CBS). The report is presented in the context of increasing concerns about the issue of food poverty in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and an increase in the number of people reporting that they do not have enough money to buy food. Recent data from The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have shown that the number of people believing they cannot afford food doubled from 4.2% in 2008 to 9% in 2014. Data from Eurostat show that in 2013, food and non-alcoholic beverage prices in Ireland were 17% higher than the EU average. Moreover, research by Carney and Maitre, using data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), found that one in ten people are living in food poverty in Ireland. Food poverty is defined as the inability to have an adequate and nutritious diet due to issues of affordability and access to food. This has related effects on health, culture and social participation. The 2013 data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) show that 1.4 million people, almost 31% of the population, suffer from deprivation. This means that they are unable to afford two items from a list of 11 very basic items (of which one is not being able to eat a meal with meat, chicken, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day). The highest levels of deprivation are experienced by lone parents (63%), unemployed people (55%) and people not at work because of illness or disability (53%). The experience of the Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice (VPSJ) is that expenditure on food tends to be one of the least important considerations when households are dealing with competing demands on an inadequate income. - See more at: http://www.safefood.eu/Publications/Research-reports/The-cost-of-a-healthy-food-basket.aspx#sthash.RiBpj5no.dpuf A Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) is derived from a negotiated consensus on what people believe is a minimum standard. It is a standard of living that meets an individual’s or a household’s physical, psychological and social needs. This is calculated by identifying the goods and services required by different household types in order to meet their needs. While an MESL is based on needs, not wants, it is a standard of living below which nobody should be expected to live. This report focuses on food, one of the 16 elements of the Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) data. It is based on a methodology called Consensual Budget Standards (CBS). The report is presented in the context of increasing concerns about the issue of food poverty in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and an increase in the number of people reporting that they do not have enough money to buy food. Recent data from The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have shown that the number of people believing they cannot afford food doubled from 4.2% in 2008 to 9% in 2014. Data from Eurostat show that in 2013, food and non-alcoholic beverage prices in Ireland were 17% higher than the EU average. Moreover, research by Carney and Maitre, using data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), found that one in ten people are living in food poverty in Ireland. Food poverty is defined as the inability to have an adequate and nutritious diet due to issues of affordability and access to food. This has related effects on health, culture and social participation. The 2013 data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) show that 1.4 million people, almost 31% of the population, suffer from deprivation. This means that they are unable to afford two items from a list of 11 very basic items (of which one is not being able to eat a meal with meat, chicken, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day). The highest levels of deprivation are experienced by lone parents (63%), unemployed people (55%) and people not at work because of illness or disability (53%). The experience of the Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice (VPSJ) is that expenditure on food tends to be one of the least important considerations when households are dealing with competing demands on an inadequate income. - See more at: http://www.safefood.eu/Publications/Research-reports/The-cost-of-a-healthy-food-basket.aspx#sthash.RiBpj5no.dpuf A Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) is derived from a negotiated consensus on what people believe is a minimum standard. It is a standard of living that meets an individual’s or a household’s physical, psychological and social needs. This is calculated by identifying the goods and services required by different household types in order to meet their needs. While an MESL is based on needs, not wants, it is a standard of living below which nobody should be expected to live. This report focuses on food, one of the 16 elements of the Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) data. It is based on a methodology called Consensual Budget Standards (CBS). The report is presented in the context of increasing concerns about the issue of food poverty in the Republic of Ireland (ROI) and an increase in the number of people reporting that they do not have enough money to buy food. Recent data from The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) have shown that the number of people believing they cannot afford food doubled from 4.2% in 2008 to 9% in 2014. Data from Eurostat show that in 2013, food and non-alcoholic beverage prices in Ireland were 17% higher than the EU average. Moreover, research by Carney and Maitre, using data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC), found that one in ten people are living in food poverty in Ireland. Food poverty is defined as the inability to have an adequate and nutritious diet due to issues of affordability and access to food. This has related effects on health, culture and social participation. The 2013 data from the Survey on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) show that 1.4 million people, almost 31% of the population, suffer from deprivation. This means that they are unable to afford two items from a list of 11 very basic items (of which one is not being able to eat a meal with meat, chicken, fish or a vegetarian equivalent every second day). The highest levels of deprivation are experienced by lone parents (63%), unemployed people (55%) and people not at work because of illness or disability (53%). The experience of the Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice (VPSJ) is that expenditure on food tends to be one of the least important considerations when households are dealing with competing demands on an inadequate income. - See more at: http://www.safefood.eu/Publications/Research-reports/The-cost-of-a-healthy-food-basket.aspx#sthash.RiBpj5no.dpuf

Minimum Data Set (MDS) Section Q Education: Helping People Return to the Community, February 12, 2014

Explanation of Minimum Data Set (MDS), implementation of Section Q, overview of the program, local contacts and functions, Referral Agency information, role and assistance provided by Long-Term care Ombudsman

Minimum Data Set (MDS) Section Q Education, February 21, 2014

Information regarding possible questions on Section Q within the Minimum Data Set.

Strategic tillage in no-till farming systems in Australia's northern grains-growing regions: I. Drivers and implementation

Development of no-tillage (NT) farming has revolutionized agricultural systems by allowing growers to manage greater areas of land with reduced energy, labour and machinery inputs to control erosion, improve soil health and reduce greenhouse gas emission. However, NT farming systems have resulted in a build-up of herbicide-resistant weeds, an increased incidence of soil- and stubble-borne diseases and enrichment of nutrients and carbon near the soil surface. Consequently, there is an increased interest in the use of an occasional tillage (termed strategic tillage, ST) to address such emerging constraints in otherwise-NT farming systems. Decisions around ST uses will depend upon the specific issues present on the individual field or farm, and profitability and effectiveness of available options for management. This paper explores some of the issues with the implementation of ST in NT farming systems. The impact of contrasting soil properties, the timing of the tillage and the prevailing climate exert a strong influence on the success of ST. Decisions around timing of tillage are very complex and depend on the interactions between soil water content and the purpose for which the ST is intended. The soil needs to be at the right water content before executing any tillage, while the objective of the ST will influence the frequency and type of tillage implement used. The use of ST in long-term NT systems will depend on factors associated with system costs and profitability, soil health and environmental impacts. For many farmers maintaining farm profitability is a priority, so economic considerations are likely to be a primary factor dictating adoption. However, impacts on soil health and environment, especially the risk of erosion and the loss of soil carbon, will also influence a grower's choice to adopt ST, as will the impact on soil moisture reserves in rainfed cropping systems. © 2015 Elsevier B.V.