Iran and the Shanghai cooperation organization : ideology and realpolitik in Iranian foreign policy

The Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). In doing so, Iran has appeared to be unfazed by the prospect of allying with Russia and China, two countries which have systematically suppressed their Muslim minorities for decades. Similarly, the SCO's Central Asian member states are led by individual leaders who are generally believed to rule in spite of their populations. As a result, Iran's eagerness to join the SCO may appear to contradict its self-promoted image as the champion of Muslim interests, but in reality it sits nicely within its overarching enmity for the USA. Indeed, the SCO is seen as a geopolitical counterweight to the USA. For Iran, this geopolitical opportunity overrides ideological imperatives, with the gap between ideology and geopolitics most evident under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

Introduction : The Iraq legacies: intervention, occupation, withdrawal and beyond

This chapter examines the various and complex legacies of the Iraq War of 2003. In follows the trajectory of these legacies back to the earliest days of the US intervention and examines the extent to which key decisions and errors of judgement on the part ofthe Coalition and the Iraqi political elite have had unexpected and devastating consequences for Iraq today. The chapter documents how the war dramatically altered the lives of ordinary Iraqis and led to many of the most deep-seated and intractable problems facing Iraq, the region and the world today. In discussing these legacies, this chapter also points to the root causes of the rapid turn of events that transpired after the dramatic advance of ISIS in mid-2014. The argument here being that the Iraq War of 2003 has left behind a sequence of deeply felt but rarely examined legacies and that together these legacies have served as the catalyst of Iraq’s current chaos. Therefore, this chapter is not only timely, but it also addresses a significant lacuna in academic and policy debates by addressing a series of urgent questions concerning the legacies of Iraq.

Interview with Bob Sugeng Hadiwinata

Bob Sugeng Hadiwinata is an Indonesian who studied at Monash University in 1990-1993. He studied on an Australian International Development Bureau (AIDAB) Scholarship and completed a Masters in International Relations. In 1995 he accepted another scholarship to Cambridge University where he completed his PhD. The interview was conducted in English by Dr. Jemma Purdey of Deakin University on 1 May 2014. This set comprises: a recording of the interview, a photograph, and a timed summary.

Interview with Eric Hiariej

Eric Hiariej is an Indonesia who studied at the Australian National University on two occasions; in 2001-2003 and in 2005-2009. He completed his Masters degree in the first period of study, and his PhD in the second. Both degrees were in International Relations. The interview was conducted in English by Dr. Jemma Purdey of Deakin University on 27 May 2014. This set comprises: an interview recording, a timed summary and a photo.

Interview with Vitrionaldi (Naldi) Vitrionaldi

Vitrionaldi Vitrionaldi is an Indonesian who studied at Sydney University in 2009-2010. He studied on an Australian Development Scholarship (ADS) and completed a Masters in International Relations. The interview was conducted in English on 30 October 2014 by Dr. Jemma Purdey of Deakin University. This set comprises: an interview recording, a timed summary, and a photograph.

Interview with Dewi Savitri Wahab

Dewi Savitri Wahab is an Indonesian who studied at Monash University in 1992-1994. She studied on an Australian International Development Assistance Bureau (AIDAB) Scholarship and completed a Masters in International Relations. The interview was conducted in English on 30 October 2014 by Dr. Jemma Purdey of Deakin University. This set comprises: an interview recording, a timed summary, and a photograph.

Interview with Donald Gumbis

Donald Gumbis is a Papua New Guinean who studied at the University of New South Wales (UNSW) in 2011-2012. He studied on a Colombo Plan Scholarship and completed a Masters in International Relations. The interview was conducted in English by Dr. Jonathan Ritchie of Deakin University and Dr. Musawe Sinebare of the Pacific Adventist University on 10 July 2014. This set comprises: a recording of the interview in two parts, a photograph, and a timed summary.

Heritage diplomacy

This paper explores the concept of heritage diplomacy. To date much of the analysis regarding the politics of heritage has focused on contestation, dissonance and conflict. Heritage diplomacy seeks to address this imbalance by critically examining themes such as cooperation, cultural aid and hard power, and the ascendency of intergovernmental and non-governmental actors as mediators of the dance between nationalism and internationalism. The paper situates heritage diplomacy within broader histories of international governance and diplomacy itself. These are offered to interpret the interplay between the shifting forces and structures, which, together, have shaped the production, governance and international mobilisation of heritage in the modern era. A distinction between heritage as diplomacy and in diplomacy is outlined in order to reframe some of the ways in which heritage has acted as a constituent of cultural nationalisms, international relations and globalisation. In mapping out directions for further enquiry, I argue the complexities of the international ordering of heritage governance have yet to be teased out. A framework of heritage diplomacy is thus offered in the hope that it can do some important analytical work in the field of critical heritage theory, opening up some important but under theorised aspects of heritage analysis.

Beyond interdependence: Economic security and Sino-American-Australian trilateralism

Chinas economic and politico-military development is placing considerable strain on the established framework of the trilateral relationship between itself, the United States, and Australia. Specifically, Chinas rise is generating security concerns that are politicizing economic relations between the three states. A more guarded approach to economic collaboration will transform trilateralism, which up to now has been characterized by the scope allowed for the discrete pursuit of security and economic relations. This will force political authorities to carefully consider their policy priorities and further strain relations between the states, as well as supporting a more cautious approach to China on the part of the United States and Australia.

From Darfur to Sinai to Kashmir: Ethno-religious conflicts and legalization

This paper attempts to examine agreements between two high conflict states - India and Pakistan - in comparison with those between parties characterized by high degrees of conflict along ethnic and religious lines, from a theoretical perspective with a view to determining if legalization has any correlation between the commitments embodied in agreements between such states and the degree of compliance. For purposes of comparison, I examine the historic agreement between Israel and Egypt, and the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) as exemplars of similar conflicts where legalization has salience. I adopt the lens of legalization articulated by Abbott, et al, and bring recent advances from the intersection of international relations theory and international law to the design and structuring of agreements between states beset by persistent hostilities. I analyse agreements between India and Pakistan, Israel and Egypt, and the Darfur Peace Agreement, to demonstrate that agreements that are high on the precision-obligation-delegation matrix enjoy higher degrees of success than those that are low on this matrix when concluded between high conflict states. I conclude by arguing that India and Pakistan should aim for hard legalization to solve the Kashmir dispute, and that they must learn from the painful experience of the Darfur Peace Agreement and include non-state actors as signatories to any agreement.

Australia and Japan after the second world war: constructing new futures in Asia

The subject of my lecture is Australian-Japanese relations since the end of the Second World War, but I’m keen to explore these relations in the context of ideas, efforts and practical results in relation to collaborative and other efforts towards regionalism in the Asia Pacific. My general argument is that, on the one hand, Australian-Japanese relations have developed with a strength that would have been hard to imagine in 1945, and with an important focus on regional growth and security. The incremental steps taken may have been small and at a steady pace but, given the legacy of deep scars resulting from the Second World War and given the limitations on the defence aspects of Japan’s postwar involvement in regional affairs (ie the self defence requirement of the Constitution and the practice of spending not more than one per cent of Gross National Product on defence), these have been very successfully negotiated steps. On the other hand, there are some opportunities for greater joint leadership in the region which may or may not be realized. The incremental steps took place in difficult and changing circumstances; and what I would like to do now is remind us of how many unknowns attached to what might happen in Australian- Japan relationships after the Second World War, partly because there were so many unknowns about how the post-war international order would settle, and partly because Australian-Japanese relations started from such a desperately low point. I will try to walk through some of the key features of different periods, as I see the periodisation logically falling out after the war, and draw some thoughts together in relation to more recent initiatives on regional and bilateral co-operation. My training is as a historian, and that shapes the way this lecture works, and for most of my career I have been an Australian historian of international relations, looking particularly at Australia’s changing role in world affairs, and that is also likely to show in what follows－possibly at the expense of greater detail from Japanese perspectives. But I hope you will understand that, and also the limitations involved in trying to paint with a broad brush on a huge historical canvas.

Self-determination and collective responsibility in the secessionist struggle

The often violent emergence of new independent states following the end of the Cold War generated discussion about the normative grounds of territorial separatism. A number of opposing approaches surfaced debating whether and under which circumstances there is a right for a community to secede from its host country. Overwhelmingly, these studies placed emphasis on the right to secession and neglected the moral stance of secessionist movements as agents in international relations. In this book Costas Laoutides explores the collective moral agency involved in secessionist struggles offering a theoretical model for the collective responsibility of secessionist groups. Case-studies on the Kurds and the people of Moldova-Transdniestria illustrate the author’s theoretical arguments as he seeks to establish how, although the principle of self-determination was envisaged as a means of gradually bestowing political power upon the people, it never managed to realize its full potential because it was interpreted strictly within a framework of exclusionary politics of identity.

Who Was Elizabeth Hanson? Book reveals the secret circumstances surrounding the death of the CIA's rising star

Book by Washington Post reporter reveals the secret circumstances surrounding the death of rising CIA star Elizabeth Hanson ’02.