963 resultados para France--Foreign relations--Turkey--Early works to 1800


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As we write these lines, sociology celebrates 50 years of the French publication of the book ‘The Inheritors’, written by Bourdieu and Passeron in 1964. This ‘classic’ was followed by a series of works in the sociology of education (mainly published in England, France and the United States) devoted to the inequalities inherent within disparate projects revolving around school democratisation . From the 1960s to the mid-1970s, if the paradigms of educational sociologists do not all inscribe to that of critical sociology , several common factors are involved in researchers’ overarching lines of enquiry: the development of statistical data on schools, conferences and publication of reports on education (see Coleman, 1966 in the United States; Plowden, 1967 in the United Kingdom), and the structuration of school policies around democratisation underlying theories of human capital and the dependence of the school vis-à-vis the labour market, and the stratification and socio-economic organisation of societies.

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The study discusses the position of France as the United States’ ally in NATO in 1956-1958. The concrete position of France and the role that it was envisioned to have are being treated from the point of view of three participants of the Cold War: France, the United States and the Soviet Union. How did these different parties perceive the question and did these views change when the French Fourth Republic turned into the Fifth in 1958? The study is based on published French and American documents of Foreign Affairs. Because of problems with accessibility to the Soviet archival sources, the study uses reports on France-NATO relations of Pravda newspaper, the official organ of the Communist Party of the USSR, to provide information about how the Soviet side saw the question. Due to the nature and use of source material, and the chronological structure of the work, the study belongs methodologically to the research field of History of International Relations. As distinct from political scientists’ field of research, more prone to theorize, the study is characteristically a historical research, a work based on qualitative method and original sources that aims at creating a coherent narrative of the views expressed during the period covered by the study. France’s road to a full membership of NATO is being treated on the basis of research literature, after which discussions about France’s position in the Western Alliance are being chronologically traced for the period of last years of the Fourth Republic and the immediate months of coming back to power of Charles de Gaulle. Right from the spring of 1956 there can be seen aspirations of France, on one hand, to maintain her freedom of action inside the Western Alliance and, on the other, to widen the dialogue between the allies. The decision on France’s own nuclear deterrent was made already during the Fourth Republic, when it was thought to become part of NATO’s common defence. This was to change with de Gaulle. The USA felt that France still fancied herself as a great power and that she could not participate in full in NATO’s common defence because of her colonies. The Soviet Union saw the concrete position of France in the Alliance as in complete dependence on the USA, but her desired role was expressed largely in “Gaullist” terms. The expressions used by the General and the Soviet propaganda were close to each other, but the Soviet Union could not support de Gaulle without endangering the position of the French Communist Party. Between the Fourth and Fifth Republics no great rupture in content took place concerning the views of France’s role and position in the Western Alliance. The questions posed by de Gaulle had been expressed during the whole period of Fourth Republic’s existence. Instead, along with the General the weight and rhetoric of these questions saw a great change. Already in the early phase the Americans saw it possible that with de Gaulle, France would try to change her role. The rupture took place in the form of expression, rather than in its content.

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January 6, 1814. Ordered to lie on the table. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- At head of title: [22]. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 13th Congress, 2nd Session, House. Doc. 22. Printed by Roger C. Weightman

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Au terme de la Grande Guerre (1914-1918), rares sont ceux et celles qui ne rêvent pas d’un monde nouveau. Après quatre années de souffrance et d’angoisse, la paix s’impose comme une pulsion de vie qui touche toutes les populations impliquées dans le conflit, en premier lieu celles qui ont connu les combats sur leur propre territoire. Un nombre record de mouvements pour la paix émerge des cendres de la guerre, dont plusieurs sont spécifiquement féminins. Pour ces femmes, privées du droit de vote et donc exclues de la vie politique au sens traditionnel, ces mouvements apparaissent comme autant de nouveaux espaces d’actions politiques. À travers leur lutte pacifiste, elles investissent le champ politique et social, avec des débats qui n’ignorent aucune des grandes questions de l’entre-deux-guerres. C’est donc dans cette perspective que les femmes prennent parole : même si elles n’ont pas connu comme les hommes les champs de bataille, elles ont aussi souffert pendant le conflit et revendiquent le droit de « refaire le monde ». Ces quelques femmes sont toutefois longtemps restées dans l’ombre : doublement ignorées en raison de leur pacifisme et de leur sexe. L’historiographie de l’entre-deux-guerres en France a en effet longtemps négligé leur travail dans l’établissement de la paix et dans les relations internationales. Cette thèse cherche donc à combler un vide laissé par une historiographie trop longtemps axée seulement sur les hommes politiques et liant de façon trop stricte l’action politique et le droit de vote. À partir de l’analyse de cinq associations pacifistes féminines – la Section française de la Ligue internationale des femmes pour la paix et la liberté (SFLIFPL), la Ligue des femmes contre la Guerre (LFCG), l’Union féminine pour la Société des Nations (UFSDN), l’Union fraternelle des femmes contre la guerre (UFFCG) et la Ligue internationale des mères et des éducatrices pour la paix (LIMEP) – notre recherche propose une nouvelle analyse des affaires internationales en abordant les questions de la paix, de la réconciliation franco-allemande et du désarmement au féminin. Elle met également en lumière les discours sur le rôle et la place des femmes dans la société de l’entre-deux-guerres et cherche à comprendre comment les pacifistes contournent leur exclusion des affaires politiques et légitiment leurs démarches dans la construction de la société d’après-guerre.

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El propósito de esta monografía consiste en analizar el discurso de la Unión Europea en materia de Derechos Humanos y Democracia y su importancia en el proceso de ampliación de la Organización. Se estudia y explica el criterio de condicionalidad del discurso como una medida preventiva y/o sancionatoria para la entrada de Turquía a la UE, estableciendo que dicho discurso es un factor determinante en las negociaciones entre la UE y Turquía. Para ésto, se analiza el discurso europeo a partir del análisis del discurso ideológico, de Teun Van Dijk, y el discurso de la condicionalidad, de Maria del Carmen Muñoz Rodríguez, lo cual permite hacer un estudio detallado de la incidencia del discurso de la UE en el proceso de negociación de la adhesión de Turquía a la Unión.

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The towns presently named Pombal and Sousa, located in the hinterland of the State of Paraíba, Brazil, still keep vestiges of the colonization process they went through along the 18th and 19th centuries, when they both emerged as settlement nuclei in the extreme West of the then captaincy of Paraíba and attained the status of freguesia and vila in a later period. This research aims to comprehend the process of urban formation and development of the colonial urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa as they became povoados (hamlets), freguesias (parishes) and vilas (small urban communities with a local government), according to territorial expansion policies implemented by the Portuguese government from 1697 to 1800. The choice of the two urban settlements for this survey lies in the fact that they were part of the great conquest and colonization program undertaken by the Portuguese Crown. Another aspect that was considered was the fact that those towns are the oldest urban nuclei of Paraíba s hinterland. They came into being as early as in the times of the colony, thus producing a favorable environment to the study of the changes that occurred in the captaincy s hinterland scenery resulting from the process of formation and development of the colonial urban space. Three fundamental categories of analysis were defined since they have a direct bearing upon the urban configuration of the two colonization nuclei: povoado, freguesia and vila. The three of them are related to civil and ecclesiastic jurisdictions. Field, documentation and bibliography surveys were undertaken in order to develop the study. They allowed for the finding of vestiges of the old, colonial urban structures and for the development of theoretical analysis based on present-day studies of issues relating to the colonial urban history. The study purposes were, therefore, to try to understand how the old urban nuclei of Pombal and Sousa fit in the territorial expansion policies undertaken by the Portuguese government; to relate the process of urban formation and development of such nuclei with the categories of analysis povoação-freguesia-vila by discussing the relations and influences they exert over one another and their territory, as well as to unveil, as much as possible, the configuration the urban spaces that were shaped along the 18th century

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Synchrotron Microbeam Radiation Therapy (MRT) relies on the spatial fractionation of the synchrotron photon beam into parallel micro-beams applying several hundred of grays in their paths. Several works have reported the therapeutic interest of the radiotherapy modality at preclinical level, but biological mechanisms responsible for the described efficacy are not fully understood to date. The aim of this study was to identify the early transcriptomic responses of normal brain and glioma tissue in rats after MRT irradiation (400Gy). The transcriptomic analysis of similarly irradiated normal brain and tumor tissues was performed 6 hours after irradiation of 9 L orthotopically tumor-bearing rats. Pangenomic analysis revealed 1012 overexpressed and 497 repressed genes in the irradiated contralateral normal tissue and 344 induced and 210 repressed genes in tumor tissue. These genes were grouped in a total of 135 canonical pathways. More than half were common to both tissues with a predominance for immunity or inflammation (64 and 67% of genes for normal and tumor tissues, respectively). Several pathways involving HMGB1, toll-like receptors, C-type lectins and CD36 may serve as a link between biochemical changes triggered by irradiation and inflammation and immunological challenge. Most immune cell populations were involved: macrophages, dendritic cells, natural killer, T and B lymphocytes. Among them, our results highlighted the involvement of Th17 cell population, recently described in tumor. The immune response was regulated by a large network of mediators comprising growth factors, cytokines, lymphokines. In conclusion, early response to MRT is mainly based on inflammation and immunity which appear therefore as major contributors to MRT efficacy.

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Democratic values and basic rights in Turkey are hanging by a thread. Over the past eighteen months the rule of law, civil liberties and freedoms have been eroded which has left many Turks anxious over the direction in which their country is heading. With Turkey’s accession negotiations de facto frozen, the EU finds itself with little leverage over Ankara. Calls of concern have fallen on deaf ears as Turkey’s leadership has become increasingly belligerent, with its EU related narrative overflowing with resentment. Because Turkey’s accession negotiations are irreversibly intertwined with Turkey-EU cooperation in other areas, this has had a negative impact on the broader relationship between both sides. Recent examples include the issue of foreign fighters traveling from Europe to Syria via Turkey. Each side has accused the other of not doing enough to stem the flow. Likewise, following the decision of Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to ban the import of agricultural goods from countries that have placed sanctions on Moscow, the EU asked Turkey to demonstrate solidarity, as a “candidate country”, and not to increase exports of agricultural products to Russia. Turkey rejected this request and is reportedly working on strengthening trade ties with Moscow. Turkey remains an important partner in a number of key areas including trade, energy, foreign and security policy and migration. At a time when the EU faces crises in both its Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, a reliable and predictable Turkey, with which it can cooperate in the Black Sea and Middle East neighbourhoods is crucial. Hence the vision and plans of the EU’s new leadership, in particular new Foreign Policy Chief, Federica Mogherini, and Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn, how to shape relations with Ankara is particularly significant. The Union’s current policy is counterproductive and is further eroding trust and cooperation rather than enhancing it. It needs to be turned around.

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In spite of domestic and international political changes, French and German foreign policies have displayed high degrees of continuity between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s. Over the same time period, the directions of the two states’ foreign policies have also continued to differ from each other. Why do states similar in many respects often part ways in what they want and do? This article argues that the French and German national role conceptions (NRCs) account for both of these continuities. NRCs are domestically shared understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one’s own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. As internal reference systems, they affect national interests and foreign policies. This article reestablishes the NRC concept, empirically codes it for France and Germany for the time period under consideration, and demonstrates comparatively how different NRCs lead to varying interests and policies across the major policy areas in security, defense, and armament.

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We analyse the access to different institutional pathways to higher education for second-generation students, focusing on youths that hold a higher-education entrance certificate. The alternative vocational pathway appears to compensate to some degree, compared to the traditional academic one, for North-African and Southern-European youths in France, those from Turkey in Germany, and to a lesser degree those from Portugal, Turkey, Ex-Yugoslavia, Albania/Kosovo in Switzerland. This is not the case in Switzerland for Western-European, Italian, and Spanish youths who indeed access higher education via the academic pathway more often than Swiss youths. Using youth panel and survey data, multinomial models are applied to analyse these pathway choices.