942 resultados para Ethnic


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For many years Northern Ireland has been a divided society where members of the two main religious groups, Catholics and Protestants, have limited opportunities to interact due to segregation in their social lives. Attempts have been made to encourage religious mixing through integration in schools, housing and workplaces predicated on the theory that bringing people together can improve community relations and remove prejudices – known as the ‘contact hypothesis’. However, little is known about those who enter into mixed-religion partnerships often against the wishes of their families and communities. This paper examines the characteristics and attitudes of mixed-religion couples and suggests that they differ in their socio-demographic characteristics and in their attitudes from those who marry within their own religion. These findings add to the weight of evidence from other countries in conflict suggesting that intermarriage has a role to play in contributing to less sectarian views and improved community relations.

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This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland : the control and utilisation of public space, particularly urban public space. I will examine evidence of some changes in the way public space is being used in central Belfast that potentially reflects changing identities in the city. The paper concludes by speculating on whether a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve even with increased residential division throughout the Belfast urban area.

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Osteosarcomas are the most prevalent primary bone tumors found in pediatric patients. To understand their molecular etiology, cell culture models are used to define disease mechanisms under controlled conditions. Many osteosarcoma cell lines (e.g., SAOS-2, U2OS, MG63) are derived from Caucasian patients. However, patients exhibit individual and ethnic differences in their responsiveness to irradiation and chemotherapy. This motivated the establishment of osteosarcoma cell lines (OS1, OS2, OS3) from three ethnically Chinese patients. OS1 cells, derived from a pre-chemotherapeutic tumor in the femur of a 6-year-old female, were examined for molecular markers characteristic for osteoblasts, stem cells, and cell cycle control by immunohistochemistry, reverse transcriptase-PCR, Western blotting and flow cytometry. OS I have aberrant G-banded karyotypes, possibly reflecting chromosomal abnormalities related to p53 deficiency. OS I had ossification profiles similar to human fetal osteoblasts rather than SAOS-2 which ossifies ab initio, (P

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The recent identification of somatic mutations in the catalytic region of PIK3 (PIK3CA) in breast cancer and demonstration of their oncogenic function has implicated PIK3CA in mammary carcinogenesis. To investigate possible ethnic differences in patterns of PIK3CA mutations in Singaporean Chinese breast cancer and to characterize these in a panel of cell lines, we sequenced exons 9 and 20 in 80 primary tumors, 19 breast cancer cell lines and 7 normal human mammary epithelial cells (HMECs). Searching for novel hotspots of mutation, we sequenced additional exons ( 1, 2, 6, 7, 14 and 18) in 20 primary tumors and 6 breast cancer cell lines. We detected 33 point mutations in 31 of 80 (39%) breast cancers, and 11 mutations in 10 of 19 (53%) breast cancer cell lines. No mutations were detected in normal breast tissue adjacent to the tumor, or in the 6 normal HMECs. The exon 20 A3140G (H1047R) substitution was identified most frequently (22/31, 71%) and showed a significant association with patient age ( p = 0.043) and stage of the disease ( p = 0.025), but not with ER/PR status or histological grade of the tumor. The incidence of point mutations in PIK3CA, the A3140G substitution in particular, in Singapore breast cancers are among the most frequent reported to date for any gene in breast cancer. The results suggest that mutation of PIK3CA might contribute to development of early stage breast cancer and could provide a potent target for early diagnosis and therapy.

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Hereditary non-polyposis colorectal cancer (HNPCC), predominantly due to germline MLH1/MSH2 mutations, is the commonest form of hereditary colorectal cancer (CRC), but data in Asians are sparse. We sequenced the MLH1/MSH2 coding and promoter core regions in CRC patients diagnosed below age 40, and/or with multiple primary cancers or familial cancer clustering suggestive of HNPCC, and correlated deleterious mutations with clinical and tumour features. Forty-six Chinese, Malay and Indian kindreds participated. Of the 153 cancers reported in the 46 kindreds, stomach (14%) and urogenital cancers (13%) were the most common extracolonic cancers, whereas endometrial cancer comprised only 7%. Eleven different MLH1 and 12 MSH2 mutations were identified, including nine novel and four recurring mutations in the Chinese. One Indian was a compound heterozygote for an MLH1 and MSH2 mutation. The MLH1/MSH2 mutation data in the Malays and the Indians represents the first in these ethnic groups. Factors strongly associated with deleterious mutations were the Amsterdam criteria, family history of stomach or multiple primary cancers, and MSI-high tumours, whereas family history of endometrial cancer and young cancer age alone correlated poorly. Distinct clinical and molecular characteristics were identified among Asian HNPCC kindreds and may have important clinical implications.

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Using data from the 2002 and 2009 Northern Ireland Life and Times (NILT) surveys, we examine attitudes towards immigrant and ethnic minority groups in Northern Ireland. We suggest that Protestant and unionist communities experience a higher level of cultural threat than Catholic and nationalist communities on account of the ‘parity of esteem’ principle that has informed changes in the province since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. Our analyses confirm that, while there is evidence for some level of anti-immigrant sentiment across all groups, Protestants and unionists do indeed report relatively more negative attitudes towards a range of immigrant and ethnic target groups compared to Catholic, nationalist, or respondents who do not identify with either religious or political category. The analyses further suggest that their higher level of perceived cultural threat partially accounts for this difference. We suggest that cultural threat can be interpreted as a response to changes in Northern Ireland that have challenged the dominant status enjoyed by Protestants and unionists in the past.

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Concern with what can explain variation in generalized social trust has led to an abundance of theoretical models. Defining generalized social trust as a belief in human benevolence, we focus on the emancipation theory and social capital theory as well as the ethnic diversity and economic development models of trust. We then determine which dimensions of individuals’ behavior and attitudes as well as of their national context are the most important predictors. Using data from 20 countries that participated in round one of the European Social Survey, we test these models at their respective level of analysis, individual and/or national. Our analysis revealed that individuals’ own trust in the political system as a moral and competent institution was the most important predictor of generalized social trust at the individual level, while a country’s level of affluence was the most important contextual predictor, indicating that different dimensions are significant at the two levels of analysis. This analysis also raised further questions as to the meaning of social capital at the two levels of analysis and the conceptual equivalence of its civic engagement dimension across cultures.

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We examined the relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust across 31 European nations participating in the European Social Survey. Using multi-level regression analyses, the current study provides the first empirical investigation of the effects of cultural norms of Individualism/Collectivism on generalized social trust while accounting for individuals' own cultural orientations within the same analysis. The results provide clear support for Yamagishi and Yamagishi (1994) emancipation theory of trust, showing a significant and positive relationship between Individualism/Collectivism and generalized social trust, over and above the effect of a country political history of communism and ethnic heterogeneity. Having controlled for individual effects of Individualism/Collectivism it is clear that the results of the current analysis cannot be reduced to an individual-level explanation, but must be interpreted within the context Of macrosocial processes. We conclude by discussing potential mechanisms that could explain why national individualism is more likely to foster trust among people than collectivism.

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This paper examines the concept of the blason populaire in a corpus of Irish-language proverbial material covering the period 1858-1952. It will demonstrate that the focus of these blasons populaires is primarily regional, as opposed to national or ethnic, and, furthermore, that such proverbs are usually jocular, descriptive, and benign, rarely exhibiting ethnic or racial slurs. The study identifies and analyses the most salient stereotypical characterizations, and the proverbial forms in which they appear.

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This article examines the nature of labour market exclusion in Belfast and policy responses to the dilemmas of ethnic space. It highlights the value of an area-based approach to understanding the way in which social and ethno-sectarian segregation mediates access to production sites and job opportunities in the wider urban economy. Research from the Belfast metropolitan labour market is used to identify the importance of employment in neutral areas, which can stimulate access from ethnically and socially polarised communities. The article argues for a spatial approach to understanding the structuring of labour market opportunities and constraints and it concludes by highlighting the implications for policy and practice in ethnically territorialised spaces.

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We examine support for policies affecting indigenous ethnic minorities in Chile. Specifically, we examine the role of national group definitions that include the largest indigenous group—the Mapuche—in different ways. Based on questionnaire data from nonindigenous Chilean students (N = 338), we empirically distinguish iconic inclusion, whereby the Mapuche are seen as an important part of Chile's history and identity on the one hand, from egalitarian inclusion, which represents the Mapuche as citizens of equal importance to the nonindigenous majority on the other. Both forms of inclusion positively predict support for indigenous rights, independent of participants' political affiliation, strength of national identification, and social distance. A second study (N = 277) replicates this finding whilst controlling for right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, blind patriotism, and constructive patriotism. It also finds iconic inclusion to be predictive of a pro-Mapuche position regarding the unrest over the issue of ancestral land in 2009. We conclude that understanding how national identity affects attitudes about minority rights necessitates appreciating the importance of particular meanings of nationality, and not only the strength of identification.

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It is very common to analyse the factors associated with the onset and continuation of civil wars entirely separately, as if there were likely to be no similarity between them. This is an overstatement of the theoretical position, which has established only that they may be different (i.e. less than perfectly correlated). The hypothesis that the explanatory variables are the same is not theoretically excludable and is empirically testable, both for individual variables and for combinations of them. Starting from this approach yields a rather different picture of the factors associated with the continuation of civil wars, because the relatively small sample size means that confidence intervals on individual coefficients are wide in this case. It is shown here that country size, mountainous terrain and (in most datasets) ethnic diversity seem significant for the continuation of civil wars, starting from the null hypothesis that variables affect onset and continuation probabilities identically, rather than entirely independently. One variable that affects onset and continuation significantly differently is anocracy, which we find to matter only for onset. Civil war is more likely if it occurred two years previously, as well as one year previously, which indicates that wars are more likely to restart after only one year of peace, and also more likely to stop in their first year. The combined model strengthens the result that ethnic diversity matters (it is consistently significant across datasets, whereas it is not when onset is analysed separately), although in the UCD/PRIO dataset it is significant only for onset. By contrast, if continuation is analysed independently, virtually nothing is significant except a pre-1991 dummy and a dummy for civil war two years previously.

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In the summer of 2007, the geopolitics of Russo-North Caucasian relations were once again manifest in inter-ethnic violence. During the course of six weeks of rioting between ethnic Russian (russkii) and non-ethnic Russian (rossiiskii) citizens, three students were killed (one Chechen and two Russians) and pogroms were conducted widely. This article addresses these events through a focus on the nature and politics of the riots and those involved. I argue that a range of tensions came together to form a localised geopolitics, and that this contributes to an understanding of why these events took place. Ultimately, the riots are important as an event which reveals much about the complexity of power, space, and identity in contemporary Russia.