LSTA Five Year Plan Evaluation Report 2003-2007, 2007

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Discursos de gènere, nacionalisme i respostes col•lectives de les dones a Catalunya i Irlanda

El projecte realitzat se situa en el marc de la història contemporània, i s’ha centrat en primer lloc, en l’anàlisi, des d’una perspectiva comparativa, del desenvolupament dels discursos de gènere a Catalunya durant la Dictadura Franquista i a la Irlanda postcolonial. Mitjançant l’anàlisi del discurs, s’han estudiat els models de feminitat imposats pel Franquisme i les seves bases ideològiques com són el valors catòlics i l’antindividualisme. En el cas irlandès, s’ha analitzat com, a través de determinades institucions gestionades per l’Església Catòlica, es controlaven aquelles dones que es desviaven del model de gènere que propugnava l’Estat Irlandès, molt similar al proposat pel Franquisme i també basat en els catolicisme. De la mateix manera, s’ha estudiat com el feminisme Català i irlandès dels anys 1970 i 1980 van contrarestar aquests models de gènere imposats, a través de l’anàlisi d’un conjunt d’expressions culturals produïdes per ambdós moviments feministes. La perspectiva comparativa del projecte ha permès: El coneixement dels mecanismes culturals de repressió de les dones així com la seva institucionalització. Revelant els paral•lelismes pel que fa a les polítiques de gènere entre els dos casos estudiats malgrat diferències significatives entre els dos contextos (Catalunya es troba sota una dictadura, Irlanda és un Estat democràtic). La importància de l’agència de les dones i les seves diverses estratègies de resistència, especialment a través d’expressions culturals més efímeres o considerades frívoles que, malgrat el poc reconeixement que han obtingut, són molt eficaces en la deconstrucció de discursos de gènere repressius envers les dones. Ha posat de manifest, també, la importància de l’experiència i les pràctiques personals i íntimes com a pràctiques de resistència. Així mateix, ha visibilitzat les dinàmiques pròpies de moviments feministes.

Dimensions of national culture and the accounting environment -The Spanish case-

Gray (1988) has put forward a hypothesis on how a national accountingenvironment might reflect the cultural dimensions identified by Hofstede (1980, 1983). A number of studies have tested Gray's hypothesis, including one by Pourjalali and Meek (1995) which identified a match between changes in cultural dimensions and the accounting environment in Iran following the revolution. In this paper we replicate this work in the context of Spain following the death of Franco in 1975 and the emergence of a democratic constitution in 1978. Specifically, we: 1) Consider Gray's hypothesis built on Hofstede's cultural dimensions and review some empirical tests of the hypotheses.2) Building on the work of Hofstede and Gray, we: put forward some hypotheses on how we would expect cultural dimensions to change in Spain with the transition to democracy.3) Review developments in accounting in Spain following the transition to democracy, in order to identify how well these fit with our hypotheses.

Oil price shocks, income and democracy

We examine the effect of oil price fluctuations ondemocratic institutions over the 1960-2007 period. We also exploitthe very persistent response of income to oil price fluctuations tostudy the effect of persistent (oil price-driven) income shocks ondemocracy. Our results indicate that countries with greater net oilexports over GDP see improvements in democratic institutionsfollowing upturns in international oil prices. We estimate that a 1percentage point increase in per capita GDP growth due to apositive oil price shock increases the Polity democracy score byaround 0.2 percentage points on impact and by around 2 percentagepoints in the long run. The effect on the probability of a democratictransition is around 0.4 percentage points.

Partisan competition, growth and the franchise

We present an argument for changes in the franchise in which an elite split along economic interests use the suffrage to influence implemented policies. Through the influence of these policies on the character of industrialization, we analyze the effects of franchise changes on economic growth. We identify in the social structure of society an explanation for the connection between enfranchisement and growth: When (1) there exist an economic conflict among the elite, (2) landed classes are not politically strong, and (3) there exists a critical mass of industrial workers, we observe both growth and democratization. The lack of conditions (1) or (2) resolves in stagnant autocracies while the absence of condition (3) drives growth-deterring democratic expansions. We provide historical support for our argument by analyzing the experience of 11 countries.

O Dualismo Cultural: os Luso-Caboverdianos entre a Escola a Família e a Comunidade (Estudo de Caso)

A tese que ora findamos visa a obtenção do grau de doutora em Educação, na Especialidade de Desenvolvimento Curricular, pelo Departamento do Currículo e Tecnologia Educativa, do Instituto de Educação e Psicologia, da Universidade do Minho. Intitulado o dualismo cultural: os luso-caboverdianos entre a escola, a família e a comunidade, o presente estudo centra-se numa abordagem crítica da escolaridade básica obrigatória, no qual procurámos compreender e explicar as condições de realização deste nível de ensino pelos jovens de ascendência caboverdiana, nascidos em Portugal, na qualidade de sujeitos biculturais em consequência da simbiose das culturas caboverdeana e portuguesa. Isto para concluirmos se na oferta do serviço educativo e de formação estão acautelados os seus direitos de cidadania e de participação na sociedade em que se encontram inseridos e a que pertencem de facto. Nesta investigação foi fundamental analisar a oferta de educação básica, entender as representações de alunos lusocaboverdeanos acerca da sua identidade cultural e das suas percepções sobre a formação académica que recebem; reconhecer representações e percepções de professores acerca da realidade educativa portuguesa, o enquadramento da multiculturalidade e a docência em turmas com alunos luso-caboverdianos, e compreender as percepções de pais e encarregados da educação caboverdeanos acerca da realidade educativa portuguesa e do enquadramento dos seus filhos na escola, para perceber se o insucesso educativo dos luso-caboverdeanos está relacionado com a condição de aluno “culturalmente diferente” ou se tem a sua origem na escola e no currículo da escolaridade obrigatória e, assim, contribuir com subsídios teóricos e práticos para o aprofundamento da problemática da multiculturalidade em Portugal, com vista à sua potenciação e normalização no sistema educativo. Estando perante uma sociedade de formação multicultural reafirmada com a colonização, justifica-se, em Portugal, a preocupação com a temática da diversidade cultural nas políticas educativas, resultante da consciencialização da manifestação da diversidade cultural no contexto escolar, podendo a sua omissão constituir num factor de insucesso educativo. Por isso, integramos nesta investigação matérias como: uma conceptualização do multiculturalismo com vista a questionar e clarificar os conceitos e as perspectivas inerentes a este fenómeno. Uma tentativa de desocultar para perceber o conteúdo simbólico e os porquês das políticas de integração das minorias etnicoculturais que, ao que parece, nos tempos que correm, por quase toda a parte, se converteram numa prioridade absoluta e inadiável. Estabelecemos uma ponte entre a génese do campo curricular e a construção de um currículo multi e/ou intercultural, merecendo devida atenção as tendências que dominam as discussões e a produção científica actuais nestes domínios. Problematizámos o currículo e identidade na escolaridade obrigatória nas dimensões inserção sociocultural, promoção da igualdade de sucesso educativo e inclusão dos sujeitos e o currículo e a educação para o exercício da cidadania numa escola que se quer plural. Neste último debatemos o conteúdo político da educação para a cidadania, as políticas educativas e curriculares e a escolaridade básica obrigatória como uma proposta que continua em aberto, por isso, passível de adequação às necessidades de uma educação da e para a diversidade. Procurámos fazer uma análise das políticas de integração socioeducativa da diversidade cultural, com destaque para o quadro legal que regula a integração das minorias étnicas na escola básica portuguesa, com particular incidência sobre as crianças pertencentes à comunidade caboverdeana nascidas em território português, procurando concluir acerca da existência, ou não, de posições e opções de políticas educativas concretas face à necessidade de dar prosseguimento à educação multicultural neste contexto. Tratou-se de uma investigação qualitativa holística, que permitiu desenvolver compreensões profundas dos fenómenos a partir das evidências reunidas, do estudo das representações dos sujeitos sobre quem recaem os resultados da investigação, mas também de sujeitos que, assim como o meio envolvente, estabelecem uma relação indirecta com os mesmos resultados. Circunscrito a um estudo de caso, a reflexão e a partilha de conhecimento e informações possibilitou desenvolver uma compreensão sobre a problemática estudada. Dos resultados obtidos, destacámos aqui que, em Portugal, apesar da absorvência da diversidade cultural nas política educativa, não se concretizou, ainda, uma proposta que, na prática, crie a reciprocidade entre as questões etnicoculturais e o sucesso e/ou insucesso educativos das minorias em educação com ganhos decisivos no combate ao insucesso e ao abandono escolar. Continua-se a desenvolver uma educação igualitarista monocultural pela via da homogeneização curricular, assente na noção de que povos e grupos podem estar em condições de igualdade se reunidos numa cultura comum. Aparentemente sob pilares democráticos, esta educação multicultural segue a concepção liberal associando essencialismo, universalismo e igualitarismo, resultando num propósito civilizacional excludente das minorias etnicoculturais. As conclusões chegadas permitem-nos defender a dessacralização do currículo nacional comum e uniforme e a defesa de uma proposta curricular baseada numa cultura científica global e necessária, de acordo com as faixas etárias e níveis de ensino, com campos de integração obrigatória de conteúdos territorializados alicerçados no interculturalismo como estratégia promotora da interacção crítica e solidária entre diferentes sujeitos e grupos culturais, permissiva da construção de identidades próprias e da confissão da diferença cultural, associada ao intraculturalismo como uma via permeabilizadora da educação democrática como garante da cidadania plena a todos os indivíduos, como condição fundamental para o estabelecimento das condições de igualdade e de garantia de sucesso em educação.

A liberdade de Expressão

No chamado “mundo ocidental” a liberdade de expressão é considerada um direito inerente à condição humana, encontrando-se positivado em vários ordenamentos jurídicos dos mais diversos Estados como um direito fundamental. No caso de Cabo Verde a liberdade de expressão, nas suas múltiplas vertentes, nem sempre foi entendida como um direito fundamental. Atravessando o período colonial, os quinze anos de partido único que se seguiram à proclamação da independência e finalmente o período democrático que sucedeu à abertura política, a liberdade de expressão ou a sua ausência acabou por determinar a ossatura dos vários regimes, sendo de realçar que nos períodos de transição houve espaços de liberdade que acabaram por marcar a história desse país.

Endogenous constitutions

We present a theory of the choice of alternative democratic constitutions, a majoritarian or a consensual one, in an unequal society. A majoritarian democracy redistributes resources from the collectivity toward relatively few people, and has a relatively small government and low level of taxation. A consensual democracy redistributes resources toward a broader spectrum of social groups but also has a larger government and a higher level of taxation. We show that a consensual system turns out to be preferred by society when ex ante income inequality is relatively low, while a majoritarian system is chosen when income inequality is relatively high. We also obtain that consensual democracies should be expected to be ruled more often by center-left coalitions while the right should have an advantage in majoritarian constitutions. The implications for the relationship between inequality and redistribution are discussed. Historical evidence and a cross-sectional analysis support our results.

Os Liames de Solidariedade entre o Estado e as Organizações de Economia Solidária na Luta contra Pobreza nas Comunidades Rurais em Cabo Verde

La thèse a comme but comprendre, à la lumière du paradigme du don et de la perspective théorique de l’économie solidaire, la nature des relations de coopération entre l’Etat et les Associations Communautaires de Développement, dans le cadre de la lutte contre la pauvreté dans les communautés rurales au Cap Vert. L’objet principal de l’étude est le Programme de la Lutte Contre la Pauvreté et, particulièrement, son (Sous)Programme de la Lutte Contre la Pauvreté au milieu rural. Le PLPR, par sa conception de pauvreté, méthodologie et stratégie d’intervention décentralisé au sein des Associations Communautaires de Développement et respectives communautés, s’est révélé comme le modèle qui illustre mieux comment les deux modalités de solidarité démocratique, réciprocité et redistribution, s’interragent et participent d’un processus dynamique de génération, construction et multiplication d’initiatives et d’expériences d’économie solidaires; d’ampliation et approfondissement du processus de démocratisation de l’Etat et d’approximation de la gestion publique des communautés rurales pauvres. Subsidiairement, le paradigme du don, particulièrement, le concept de solidarité démocratique, nous a forcé à proposer un autre regard sur l’économie (conventionnelle) du Cap Vert, à partir de la réflexion et analyse sur la relation entre l’Etat et la diaspora capverdienne, propagée autour du monde, comme hypothèse dont les liens culturelles et d’identités qui existent entre l’Etat et la Diaspora constituent la motivation principale des émigrants pour envoyer, régulièrement, leurs revenues au Cap Vert. De son côté, à partir des relations de coopération entre l’Etat capverdien et ses traditionnels partenaires internationaux de développement, nous avons formulé l’hypothèse dont l’Aide Publique au Développement consiste en un système international de redistribution de ressources publiques au Cap Vert, (dons aux étrangers), pour faire face aux défis de la lutte pour l’éradication de la pauvreté et de la promotion du développement socioéconomique, représentant ainsi, comme l’équivalent empirique du concept de solidarité distributive international.

National Adaptation Programme of Action on Climate Change - 2008 - 2012

The archipelago of Cape Verde is made up of ten islands and nine islets and is located between latitudes 14º 28' N and 17º 12' N and longitudes 22º 40' W and 25º 22' W. It is located approximately 500 km from the Senegal coast in West Africa (Figure 1). The islands are divided into two groups: Windward and Leeward. The Windward group is composed of the islands of Santo Antão, São Vicente, Santa Luzia, São Nicolau, Sal and Boavista; and the Leeward group is composed of the islands Maio, Santiago, Fogo and Brava. The archipelago has a total land surface of 4,033 km2 and an Economic Exclusive Zone (ZEE) that extends for approximately 734,000 km2. In general, the relief is very steep, culminating with high elevations (e.g. 2,829 m on Fogo and 1,979 m on Santo Antão). The surface area, geophysical configuration and geology vary greatly from one island to the next. Cape Verde, due to its geomorphology, has a dense and complex hydrographical network. However, there are no permanent water courses and temporary water courses run only during the rainy season. These temporary water courses drain quickly towards the main watersheds, where, unless captured by artificial means, continue rapidly to lower areas and to the sea. This applies equally to the flatter islands. The largest watershed is Rabil with an area of 199.2 km2. The watershed areas on other islands extend over less than 70 km2. Cape Verde is both a least developed country (LDC) and a small island development state (SIDS). In 2002, the population of Cape Verde was estimated at approximately 451,000, of whom 52% were women and 48% men. The population was growing at an average 2.4% per year, and the urban population was estimated at 53.7 %. Over the past 15 years, the Government has implemented a successful development strategy, leading to a sustained economic growth anchored on development of the private sector and the integration of Cape Verde into the world economy. During this period, the tertiary sector has become increasingly important, with strong growth in the tourism, transport, banking and trade sectors. Overall, the quality of life indicators show substantial improvements in almost all areas: housing conditions, access to drinking water and sanitation, use of modern energy in both lighting and cooking, access to health services and education. Despite these overall socio-economic successes, the primary sector has witnessed limited progress. Weak performance in the primary sector has had a severe negative impact on the incomes and poverty risks faced by rural workers1. Moreover, relative poverty has increased significantly during the past decade. The poverty profile shows that: (i) extreme poverty is mostly found in rural areas, although it has also increased in urban areas; (ii) poverty is more likely to occur when the head of the household is a woman; (iii) poverty increases with family size; (iv) education significantly affects poverty; (v) the predominantly agricultural islands of Santo Antão and Fogo have the highest poverty rates; (vi) unemployment affects the poor more than the nonpoor; (vii) agriculture and fisheries workers are more likely to be poor than those in other sectors. Therefore, the fight against poverty and income inequalities remains one of the greatest challenges for Cape Verde authorities. The various governments of Cape Verde over the last decade have demonstrated a commitment to improving governance, notably by encouraging a democratic culture that guarantees stability and democratic changes without conflicts. This democratic governance offers a space for a wider participation of citizens in public management and consolidates social cohesion. However, there are some remaining challenges related to democratic governance and the gains must be systematically monitored. Finally, it is worth emphasizing that the country’s insularity has stimulated a movement to decentralized governance, although social inequalities and contrasts from one island to the next constitute, at the same time, challenges and opportunities.

Of housing and politics : mapping political opportunities for mobilising in Bangalore, India

Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

Does Direct Democracy Matters for Political Parties : An Empirical Test in the Swiss Cantons

According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

El Misterio de la biblioteca Mil.lènium o cómo promover relaciones colaborativas desde la participación del alumnado = The Mystery of the Mil.lènium Library: How to Promote Collaborative Relationships Through Student Participation

La pedagogía crítica acentúa la falta de neutralidad de la escuela respecto a las relaciones de poder que existen en la sociedad. Su propuesta consiste en modificar las relaciones de poder en el aula en el sentido de transformar las relaciones coercitivas –las que reproducen las relaciones existentes– en relaciones colaborativas partiendo del reconocimiento y la participación de los alumnos en las actividades escolares. Desde esta perspectiva, uno de los objetivos de las actividades es que los niños produzcan «textos identitarios», entendidos como artefactos que los alumnos se pueden apropiar para promover su desarrollo cognitivo. El artículo muestra el trabajo educativo integrado desde Educación Infantil hasta 6.º de Primaria de una escuela de la provincia de Girona en la que el 97% de los alumnos es de origen extranjero y cuyo propósito es incrementar las habilidades lingüísticas orales y escritas en la lengua escolar, así como la utilización de otros lenguajes multimedia. La unidad didáctica consiste en la elaboración de un cuento a lo largo de un curso escolar por parte de todo el alumnado con la ayuda de los profesores, de dos autores y de tres ilustradores. Cada ciclo escolar decide los personajes y el escenario y explicita textualmente el transcurso de la acción. Los ilustradores producen las imágenes y los autores posibilitan la transición de aquello que ha elaborado un ciclo al producto del siguiente. La actividad basada en la participación y la utilización de procedimientos democráticos de decisión se inserta en la propuesta educativa y lingüística de la escuela, así como en sus concreciones curriculares. Los resultados muestran que los textos construidos por los niños se apoyan en sus «fondos de conocimiento» sociales y familiares y constituyen una fuente de progreso en la consecución de las competencias básicas y en la construcción de valores democráticos

International Standardisation and Local Participatory Dynamics : The INTERNORM Project

This paper presents a pilot project (INTERNORM) funded by the University of Lausanne (2010 - 2013) to support the involvement of civil society organisations (CSO) in international standard setting bodies such as the ISO. It analyses how a distinct participatory mechanism can influence the institutional environment of technical diplomacy in which standards are shaped. The project is an attempt to respond to the democratic deficit attested in the field of international standardisation, formally open to civil society participation, but still largely dominated by expert knowledge and market players. Many international standards have direct implications on society as a whole, but CSOs (consumers and environmental associations, trade unions) are largely under-represented in negotiation arenas. The paper draws upon international relations literature on new institutional forms in global governance and studies of participation in science and technology. It argues that there are significant limitations to the rise of civil society participation in such global governance mechanisms. The INTERNORM project has been designed as a platform of knowledge exchange between CSO and academic experts, with earmarked funding and official membership to a national standardisation body. But INTERNORM cannot substitute for a long- established lack of resources in time, money and expertise of CSOs. Despite high entry costs into technical diplomacy, participation thus appears as less a matter of upstream engagement, or of procedure only, than of dedicated means to shift the geometry of actors and the framing of socio-technical change.

Cobalamin deficiency resulting in a rare haematological disorder: a case report.

INTRODUCTION: We present the case of a patient with a cobalamin deficiency resulting in pancytopaenia, emphasizing the importance to define, diagnose and treat cobalamin deficiency. CASE PRESENTATION: A 52-year-old man from the Democratic Republic of Congo presented to the emergency department with shortness of breath and a sore tongue. Physical examination was unremarkable. His haemoglobin was low and the peripheral blood smear revealed pancytopaenia with a thrombotic microangiopathy. The findings were low cobalamin and folate levels, and high homocysteine and methylmalonate levels. Pernicious anaemia with chronic atrophic gastritis was confirmed by gastric biopsy and positive antiparietal cell and anti-intrinsic factor antibodies. Cobalamin with added folate was given. Six months later, the patient was asymptomatic. CONCLUSION: Cobalamin deficiency should always be ruled out in a patient with pancytopaenia. Our case report highlights a life-threatening cobalamin deficiency completely reversible after treatment.