957 resultados para Cuban-Americans


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Las marchas en defensa de los derechos de immigrantes, realizadas el primero de mayo en los Estados Unidos, congregaron a más cantidad de gente que ninguna otra en la historia de la nación. Mientras para muchos estas marchas representaron el deseo por la asimilación en los Estados Unidos, en las mismas se expresó una diversidad de sujetos con múltiples agendas. En general, estas agendas corresponden a la diversidad de experiencias de inmigración y racialización en los Estados Unidos. Este trabajo ofrece un mapa conceptual para entender estas diferencias en los latinos/as de Estados Unidos, y explora las fuentes y posibilidades de una agenda de descolonización radical.

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El poeta y ensayista cubano confiesa que la poesía le dio una razón para vivir, y que sigue siendo su gran amor. Aunque difícil de definir, plantea que al ser humano le resulta imposible resistir sin ella: en toda crisis (la enfermedad, la muerte o la guerra), se recurre a la poesía. Las influencias literarias le llegaron de escritores alemanes, franceses y latinoamericanos (sobre todo, de Jorge Luis Borges, José Lezama Lima, Octavio Paz y Alfonso Reyes). El autor cubano destaca los méritos de varios poetas ecuatorianos y latinoamericanos. De Lezama Lima, quien “vivía para la poesía y el espíritu, con apenas unos pesitos”, resalta su sentido coral de la cultura (como construcción colectiva) y de la literatura. Respecto de la Revolución, aun reconociendo que hubo errores, está convencido de que es lo mejor que pudo pasarle a Cuba, no solo porque es la que buscó con insistencia, de Martí a Lezama, sino porque es la que triunfó y sigue adelante, pese al bloqueo económico de medio siglo por parte de la mayor potencia mundial, y de todas las dificultades.

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El escritor cubano le rinde tributo a su compatriota, José Lezama Lima, a propósito de celebrarse en 2010 el centenario de su natalicio, a través de este texto en el que da cuenta de lo que fue su descubrimiento, en determinado momento, de la obra del autor de Paradiso, luego, su deslumbramiento al lograr penetrar, desde un ejercicio intenso de estudio y desciframiento, los códigos esquivos que circulan por la poesía lezamiana, al igual que la riqueza simbólica que expresa su narrativa, y lo desconcertante que resultan sus ensayos. La lectura de Curbelo es una celebración de todo lo que es el universo literario de Lezama dentro de esa continua deconstrucción de los géneros. Como bien señala Curbelo, su persistente y siempre experimental acercamiento a la obra del autor habanero, es resultado de quien se sabe “un lezamiano, no un lezamista, y ese matiz entraña su riesgo”.

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En este diálogo entre el escritor Francisco Proaño Arandi (Premio latinoamericano José María Arguedas, La Habana, 2010) y el lúcido crítico y ensayista Alejandro Moreano, se pasa revista a los años de formación del narrador, la década de los 60, los tzántzicos, la creación de la revista La bufanda del sol, el Frente Cultural en Quito. Proaño, hurgando en la memoria, reconstruye los diversos momentos de lo que fue el debate político y literario de esos años, el peso de la Revolución cubana, las ideas y las propuestas del compromiso del filósofo Jean-Paul Sartre, las luchas anticolonialistas en África, Mayo del 68 y su repercusión en la juventud del mundo, los escritores del boom de la narrativa latinoamericana, su experiencia como diplomático de carrera durante procesos y gobiernos que se sucedieron en el Ecuador en los años 80 y 90. El escritor también da cuenta de lo que es su universo narrativo, las obsesiones, la presencia de una ciudad como Quito en sus diversas novelas y cuentarios, así como la reflexión que a través de sus personajes realiza de las complejas relaciones de la pareja. Diálogo que no solo significó el encuentro de escritores de una misma generación, sino de dos amigos que han sabido compartir la pasión por la escritura de manera vital.

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Este trabajo analiza el proceso de nacimiento y formación de la conciencia nacional cubana desde la perspectiva del imaginario icónico, en el que tuvieron un destacado papel las imágenes que plasmaron pintores y grabadores europeos. Ese imaginario, trasladado al viejo continente, juega, aún hoy, un transcendente papel en la visión que tenemos del mundo americano y de forma concreta del mundo cubano. Más aun, veremos cómo ese imaginario se adoptó por aquel mundo y entró a formar parte de la conciencia e identidad nacional isleña.

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The Sustainably Managing Environmental Health Risk in Ecuador project was launched in 2004 as a partnership linking a large Canadian university with leading Cuban and Mexican institutes to strengthen the capacities of four Ecuadorian universities for leading community-based learning and research in areas as diverse as pesticide poisoning, dengue control, water and sanitation, and disaster preparedness. By 2009, train-the-trainer project initiation involved 27 participatory action research Master’s theses in 15 communities where 1200 community learners participated in the implementation of associated interventions. This led to establishment of innovative Ecuadorian-led master’s and doctoral programs, and a Population Health Observatory on Collective Health, Environment and Society for the Andean region based at the Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar. Building on this network, numerous initiatives were begun, such as an internationally funded research project to strengthen dengue control in the coastal community of Machala, and establishment of a local community eco-health centre focusing on determinants of health near Cuenca. Alliances of academic and non-academic partners from the South and North provide a promising orientation for learning together about ways of addressing negative trends of development. Assessing the impacts and sustainability of such processes, however, requires longer term monitoring of results and related challenges.

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Se analiza el tema del estatus de los afrodescendientes libres en las sociedades esclavistas más pobladas de América, desde el punto de vista de los derechos políticos y sociales de súbditos y ciudadanos. Con la carta de libertad, los antiguos esclavos y sus descendientes libres adquirieron teóricamente los mismos derechos y obligaciones que la población blanca eurodescendiente. Sin embargo, por razones de “seguridad pública” y de “mantención del orden establecido”, en la práctica, se establecieron restricciones y privilegios para mantener la distancia social entre blancos y afrodescendientes. Desde una perspectiva comparada se estudian Brasil, Cuba y los Estados Unidos, las tres sociedades esclavistas más notorias en América durante el siglo XIX, y se examina este proceso tomando como objetos de análisis los derechos de libre movimiento, el acceso a la enseñanza superior, el sufragio y la propiedad.

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Uno de los libros más leídos por los hispanoamericanos desde mediados del siglo XIX, es el Manuel de urbanidad, de Manuel Antonio Carreño. Hasta hace pocas décadas, fue texto de lectura obligatoria en la mayoría de las escuelas hispanohablantes de Latinoamérica. La familiaridad con el libro y con su autor, alimentó la creencia de que Carreño era nativo de la patria de origen de cada uno de esos receptores. El impacto que produjeron los consejos para orientar el desempeño de sus receptores en el espacio público, marcó la oferta de este letrado decimonónico desde el instante que apareció la obra. Sin lugar a dudas, el manual está señalado como un fenómeno editorial del continente, imposible de ignorar en nuestros días.

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El artículo analiza las últimas reformas hechas por el gobierno cubano a partir de la estructura del sistema político establecido en ese país y su relación y efectividad con las instituciones, la ciudadanía y actores locales cubanos. Argumenta que los cambios buscan mejorar la crisis económica y gobernabilidad del país, sin concesiones que permitan el establecimiento de nuevos actores políticos. Concluye que los diversos grupos, sociabilidades, redes deben constituir un mínimo de acuerdos y colaboraciones sobre la restitución de derechos a los ciudadanos, así como los modos y plazos para poner fin al monopolio legal y control/represión del Estado.

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The stated benefits and perceived risks of genetic modification (GM) cover very diverse issues, such as food safety, world food security, and the environment, that may differentially affect consumer acceptance. In this research, we hypothesize that consumers perceive up to eight dimensions: risks to business (farmers, agribusiness, etc.), benefits to business, risks and benefits to the environment, risks and benefits to the developing world, and risks and benefits to self and family. Moral concerns are also recognized. Using data collected in 2002 in the United States, France, and the UK, we investigate these different dimensions. Second, we analyze the extent to which the dimensions of risk-benefit perceptions can be explained by general attitudes widely used to explain food purchase behavior (such as general attitude to the environment, to technology, etc.), as well as by perceived knowledge of GM, level of education, and trust in various sources of information. In all locations, the majority of consumers only perceive a medium level of risk from GM products. Attitude to technology is the most important attitude variable—those with a positive attitude to technology in general also have a positive attitude to GM technology. More Americans than Europeans fall into this category. Those who trust government and the food industry tend to think GM technology is less risky, whereas those who trust activists believe the opposite. Americans are more trusting of the former, Europeans of the latter. Level of education is positively associated with benefit perceptions and negatively associated with moral concerns. Location continues to play a limited independent role in explaining perceptions even after these factors have been taken into account.

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At the heart of the ‘special relationship’ ideology, there is supposed to be a grand bargain. In exchange for paying the ‘blood price’ as America's ally, Britain will be rewarded with exceptional influence over American foreign policy and its strategic behaviour. Soldiers and statesman continue to articulate this idea. Since 9/11, the notion of Britain playing ‘Greece’ to America's ‘Rome’ gained new life thanks to Anglophiles on both sides of the Atlantic. One potent version of this ideology was that the more seasoned British would teach Americans how to fight ‘small wars’ in Iraq and Afghanistan, thereby bolstering their role as tutor to the superpower. Britain does derive benefits from the Anglo-American alliance and has made momentous contributions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet British solidarity and sacrifices have not purchased special influence in Washington. This is partly due to Atlanticist ideology, which sets Britain unrealistic standards by which it is judged, and partly because the notion of ‘special influence’ is misleading as it loses sight of the complexities of American policy-making. The overall result of expeditionary wars has been to strain British credibility in American eyes and to display its lack of consistent influence both over high policy and the design and execution of US military campaigns. While there may be good arguments in favour of the UK continuing its efforts in Afghanistan, the notion that the war fortifies Britain's vicarious world status is a dangerous illusion that leads to repeated overstretch and disappointment. Now that Britain is in the foothills of a strategic defence review, it is important that the British abandon this false consciousness.

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The judiciousness of American felon suffrage policies has long been the subject of scholarly debate, not least due to the large number of affected Americans: an estimated 5.3 million citizens are ineligible to vote as a result of a criminal conviction. This article offers comparative law and international human rights perspectives and aims to make two main contributions to the American and global discourse. After an introduction in Part I, Part II offers comparative law perspectives on challenges to disenfranchisement legislation, juxtaposing U.S. case law against recent judgments rendered by courts in Canada, South Africa, Australia, and by the European Court of Human Rights. The article submits that owing to its unique constitutional stipulations, as well as to a general reluctance to engage foreign legal sources, U.S. jurisprudence lags behind an emerging global jurisprudential trend that increasingly views convicts’ disenfranchisement as a suspect practice and subjects it to judicial review. This transnational judicial discourse follows a democratic paradigm and adopts a “residual liberty” approach to criminal justice that considers convicts to be rights-holders. The discourse rejects regulatory justifications for convicts’ disenfranchisement, and instead sees disenfranchisement as a penal measure. In order to determine its suitability as a punishment, the adverse effects of disenfranchisement are weighed against its purported social benefits, using balancing or proportionality review. Part III analyzes the international human rights treaty regime. It assesses, in particular, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (“ICCPR”), which proclaims that “every citizen” has a right to vote without “unreasonable restrictions.” The analysis concludes that the phrase “unreasonable restrictions” is generally interpreted in a manner which tolerates certain forms of disenfranchisement, whereas other forms (such as life disenfranchisement) may be incompatible with treaty obligations. This article submits that disenfranchisement is a normatively flawed punishment. It fails to treat convicts as politically-equal community members, degrades them, and causes them grave harms both as individuals and as members of social groups. These adverse effects outweigh the purported social benefits of disenfranchisement. Furthermore, as a core component of the right to vote, voter eligibility should cease to be subjected to balancing or proportionality review. The presumed facilitative nature of the right to vote makes suffrage less susceptible to deference-based objections regarding the judicial review of legislation, as well as to cultural relativity objections to further the international standardization of human rights obligations. In view of this, this article proposes the adoption of a new optional protocol to the ICCPR proscribing convicts’ disenfranchisement. The article draws analogies between the proposed protocol and the ICCPR’s “Optional Protocol Aiming at the Abolition of the Death Penalty.” If adopted, the proposed protocol would strengthen the current trajectory towards expanding convicts’ suffrage that emanates from the invigorated transnational judicial discourse.

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Contrary to the dearly held belief by Britons that among the nations of the world, they are the favourites of the Americans, Holliwood movies show that even today, judging by the accents of "baddies", the English incarnate the arch-enemy. French villains come a close second. Britain and France are the reactionary, corrupt "old Europe" from whom the Americans tried to cut away ever since 1775, and it is actually the Central-East European countries who as "new Europe" enjoy greater popularity as bearers of hope.

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American policy-makers are predisposed towards the idea of a necessary war of survival, fought with little room for choice. This reflects a dominant memory of World War II that teaches Americans that they live in a dangerously small world that imposes conflict. Critics argue that the ‘choice versus necessity’ schema is ahistorical and mischievous. This article offers supporting fire to those critiques. America’s war against the Axis (1941–45) is a crucial case through which to test the ‘small world’ view. Arguments for war in 1941 pose overblown scenarios of the rise of a Eurasian super-threat. In 1941 conflict was discretionary and not strictly necessary in the interests of national security. The argument for intervention is a closer call that often assumed. This has implications for America’s choices today.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Italian intellectuals participated in Italy’s reconstruction with an ideological commitment inspired by the African-American struggle for equal rights in the United States. Drawing on the work of many of the leading figures in postwar Italian culture, including Italo Calvino, Giorgio Caproni, Cesare Pavese, and Elio Vittorini, this essay argues that Italian intellectual impegno—defined as the effort to remake Italian culture and to guide Italian social reform—was united with a significant investment in the African-American cause. The author terms this tendency impegno nero and traces its development in the critical reception of African-American writers including W.E.B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, and Richard Wright. Postwar impegno nero is then contrasted with the treatment of African-American themes under Fascism, when commentators had likewise condemned American racism, but had paradoxically linked their laments for the plight of African Americans with defenses of the racial policies of the Fascist regime. Indeed, Fascist colonialism and anti-Semitism were both justified through references to what Fascist intellectuals believed to be America’s greater injustices. After 1945, in contrast, Italian intellectuals advocated an international, interdependent campaign for justice, symbolizing national reforms by projecting them onto an emblematic America. In this way, impegno nero revived and revised the celebrated "myth of America" that had developed in Italy between the world wars. Advancing a new, postwar myth, Italian intellectuals adopted the African-American struggle in order to reinforce their own efforts in the ongoing struggle for justice in Italy.