No asylum for “Infiltrators”: the legal predicament of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel

This article explores the precarious status of Eritrean and Sudanese nationals in Israel. Having crossed the Israeli-Egyptian border without authorisation and not through an official border crossing, Israeli law defines such individuals as ‘infiltrators’, a charged term which dates back to border-crossings into Israel by Palestinian Fedayeen in the 1950s. Eritreans and Sudanese nationals constitute over 90 percent of ‘infiltrators’ in Israel. Their livelihood is curtailed through hostility, sanctions, and detention, while (at the time of writing) Israel refrains from deporting them to their respective countries of origin, recognising that such forced removal could expose them to risks to their lives and/or freedom. Israel was the 10th state to ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention, and has acceded to its 1967 Protocol which removed the 1951 Convention’s temporal and geographic restrictions, yet it has not incorporated these treaties into its domestic law not has it enacted primary legislation that sets eligibility criteria for ‘refugee’ status and regulates the treatment of asylum-seekers. Israeli law also fails to accord subsidiary protection status to persons that the state considers to be non-removable, whether or not they satisfy the definition of a ‘refugee’ under the 1951 Convention. Absent legal recognition of ‘refugee’, ‘asylum-seeker’, and ‘beneficiary of subsidiary protection’ statuses, Eritreans and Sudanese nationals are left in legal limbo for an indefinite period qua irregular non-removable persons. This article takes stock of their legal predicament.

The union of securitisation and demography: immigration detention in Israel

The chapter sets its analysis of the historical and contemporary detention of asylum seekers in Israel against a wider context of that country's national immigration policy. The chapter demonstrates that Israel perceives asylum seekers as a threat to its self-defined Jewish character. Its twofold conclusion argues that the government therefore subjects asylum seekers to harsh detention practices that afford detainees limited procedural guarantees, and that these procedures cut against the justification for detention as a measure to facilitate deportation.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

Combates entre la memoria y la historia de Chile : Conflictos sobre el pasado reciente

The reestablishment of democracy in Chile has seen an intense debate about the events of the recent past, especially on the issue of human rights. From the very beginning, the Concertacion Government has been determined to discover the truth of the repression carried out by the national security forces with a series of commissions that have gathered the testimonies of victims and their relatives. These efforts have been resisted by conservative sectors linked to the dictatorship and the Armed Forces. There has been intense conflict in the media during the past 20 years about events that occurred during the rule of Salvador Allende and the Military Regime. In this regard, a great diversity of information has been produced which, together with the debate evoked, has enabled historians not only to rigorously and thoroughly reconstruct the operation of the state terror but also to explain how a significant sector of Chile’s civil society allowed that situation. This article presents, on one hand, different methodological tools in order to study the recent past and, on the other hand, the social discussion on how to do it.

Fatores de apoio ao empreendedorismo: um estudo comparativo entre Israel e o Brasil

Israel foi o país que mais cresceu em matéria de empreendedorismo desde sua concepção. Em seus quase 70 anos, a nação se tornou uma potência em matéria de inovação e tecnologia, em grande parte devido aos altos investimentos estrangeiros. Isso foi motivo de muita especulação e estudos acerca dos fatores por trás desse fenômeno. Este trabalho visa analisar os fatores que estimularam o empreendedorismo em Israel a fim de entender melhor sua realidade em comparação com o Brasil e refletir acerca das lições que podem ser aprendidas.

Dominadores e dominados na Palestina do século I

A relação entre dominadores e dominados na Palestina do século I emerge de forma indireta em um documento produzido com o objetivo de relatar o testemunho do autor, Flávio Josefo, sobre a guerra entre judeus e romanos. Mais que uma guerra contra os romanos, o que se vislumbra é uma crise interna profunda envolvendo diferentes interesses de grupos judaicos alinhados ou distantes do poder do inimigo.

O graben de Palestina: contribuição à estratigrafia e estrutura do estágio rifte na bacia do Araripe, nordeste do Brasil

The Palestina Graben is one of the NE-trending asymmetric grabens of the Araripe Basin. This basin rests on the precambrian terrains of the Transversal Zone, Borborema Province, immediately to the south of the Patos Lineament. It is part of the Interior Basins province of Northeastern Brazil, being related to the fragmentation of the Gondwana supercontinent and the opening of the South Atlantic ocean. The Palestina Graben trends NE-SW and presents an asymmetric geometry, controled by the NW extensional eocretaceous strain. The graben borders display distinct geometries. The SE border is a flexural margin, characterized by the non conformity of the eopaleozoic Mauriti Formation (the oldest unit of the basin) overlying the crystalline basement, but also affected by normal faults with small displacements. On the opposite, the NW border is continuous and rectilinear, being marked by normal faults with major displacements, that control the general tilting of the layers to the NW. In this sense, the Mauriti Formation is overlain by the Brejo Santo, Missão Velha (which also occurs in the Brejo Santo-Mauriti horst, to the NW of the fault border) and Abaiara formations, the latter restricted to the graben. The interpretation of available gravity data and a seismic line indicates that the main fault has a variable dip slip component, defining two deeper portions within the graben, in which the sedimentary column can reach thicknesses of up to 2 km. Regarding to the stratigraphy of Araripe Basin in the study area, the sedimentary package includes three distinct tectonosequences. The Paleozoic Syneclisis Tectonosequence is composed by the Mauriti Formation, deposited by a braided fluvial system. The Jurassic Tectonosequence, whose tectonic setting is still debatable (initial stage of the Neocomian rift, or a pre-rift syneclisis ?), is represented by the Brejo Santo Formation, originated in a distal floodplain related to ephemeral drainages. The Rift Tectonosequence, of neocomian age, includes the Missão Velha Formation, whose lower section is related to a braided to meandering fluvial system, outlining the Rift Initiation Tectonic Systems Tract. The upper section of the Missão Velha Formation is separated from the latter by a major unconformity. This interval was originated by a braided fluvial system, overlain by the Abaiara Formation, a deltaic system fed by a meandering fluvial system. Both sections correspond to the Rift Climax Tectonic Systems Tract. In the area, NE-trending normal to oblique faults are associated with NW transfer faults, while ENE to E-W faults display dominant strike slip kinematics. Both NE and E-W fault sets exhibit clear heritage from the basement structures (in particular, shear zones), which must have been reactivated during the eocretaceous rifting. Faults with EW trends display a dominant sinistral shear sense, commonly found along reactivated segments of the Patos Lineament and satellyte structures. Usually subordinate, dextral directional movements, occur in faults striking NNW to NE. Within this framework bearing to the Palestina Graben, classical models with orthogonal extension or pull-apart style deserve some caution in their application. The Palestina Graben is not limited, in its extremeties, by E-W transcurrent zones (as it should be in the case of the pull-apart geometry), suggesting a model close to the classic style of orthogonal opening. At the same time, others, adjacent depocenters (like the Abaiara-Jenipapeiro semi-graben) display a transtensional style. The control by the basement structures explains such differences

El Estado después de los conflictos: hacia un Estado moderno en Centroamérica

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Factores que afectan el rendimiento escolar de los pobres: revisión de investigaciones educacionales, 1980-1995

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Población, equidad y transformación productiva

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Condiciones generales de competencia: el caso de México

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Desarrollo minero y conflictos socioambientales: los casos de Colombia, México y el Perú

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Capital social y políticas públicas en Chile: investigaciones recientes: volumen I

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Capital social y políticas públicas en Chile: investigaciones recientes: volumen II

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