875 resultados para 750604 Civics and citizenship


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The purpose of this thesis was to explore whether there is change in organizational citizenship behaviours in community agency staff following agency adoption of a rights - based service philosophy. Four community agency support staff were interviewed to investigate how residential care providers in services for persons who have intellectual disabilities describe their voluntary job related behaviours following training about human rights. The major finding was that the participants were actively engaged in displaying civic virtue, courtesy, and altruism discretionary behaviours. There was evidence of a post rights training shift in communication patterns with support staff reporting that they used language that prom,oted and advocated for human rights, and reported increased communication exchanges among persons supported by the agency, support staff and managers. Participants also suggested that the individuals they support asserted their rights more frequently and they were more active in their own life choices following rights training.

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Within the framework of the “capability approach” to human rights, this paper argues that adults who facilitate participatory planning and design with children and youth have an ethical obligation to foster young people’s capacities for active democratic citizenship. Practitioners often worry, justifiably, that if young people fail to see their ideas realized, they may become disillusioned and alienated from political life. Based on the experience of the Growing Up in Cities program of UNESCO, four rules of good practice are distilled which can help promote young people’s belief in the value of collective action, regardless of the challenges that the full implementation of their ideas may face.

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Cette thèse traite de la supposée perte de culture politique et citoyenne que connaît le Chili de la période post-dictature. Bien qu’une telle perte soit généralement considérée comme une évidence, nous évaluons dans quelle mesure celle-ci est bien réelle en nous intéressant aux processus d’apprentissage du comportement civique de la plus jeune génération politique du pays qui a aujourd’hui atteint la vingtaine. Étant donné que les membres de cette génération étaient soit au stade de l’enfance, soit pas même nés au moment de la transition démocratique de 1990, ils ont habituellement pris connaissance des événements de répression étatique et de réconciliation démocratique par l’intermédiaire de leurs aînés. Ce phénomène est encore plus marqué dans les régions rurales du sud du pays où la majeure partie de ce que les jeunes générations savent du passé conflictuel de leur pays, incluant le colonialisme, le socialisme révolutionnaire et le fascisme, n’a pas été transmis par la communication verbale ou volontaire, mais indirectement via les habitudes et préférences culturelles qui ne manquent pas d’influencer les décisions politiques. À travers l’analyse des mécanismes de transmission inter-générationnelle de diverses perspectives d’un passé contesté, notre travail explore les processus par lesquels, à l’échelle micro, certains types de comportement politique sont diffusés au sein des familles et de petits réseaux communautaires. Ces derniers se situent souvent en tension avec les connaissances transmises dans les domaines publics, comme les écoles et certaines associations civiques. De telles tensions soulèvent d’importantes questions au sujet des inégalités de statut des membres de la communauté nationale, en particulier à une époque néolibérale où la réorganisation du fonctionnement des services sociaux et du contrôle des ressources naturelles a transformé les relations entre le monde rural pauvre et la société dominante provenant des centres urbains. Au sein de la jeune génération politique du Chili, dans quelle mesure ces perspectives situées concernant un passé pour le moins contesté, ainsi que leurs impacts sur la distribution actuelle du pouvoir dans le pays façonnent-ils des identités politiques en émergence ? Nous abordons cette question à l’aide d’une analyse ethnographique des moyens auxquels les jeunes recourent pour acquérir et exprimer des connaissances au sujet de l’histoire et de son influence latente dans la vie civique actuelle. Nos données proviennent de plus de deux années de terrain anthropologique réalisées dans trois localités du sud rural ayant été touchées par des interventions industrielles dans les rivières avoisinantes. L'une d'entre elles a été contaminée par une usine de pâte à papier tandis que les autres doivent composer avec des projets de barrage hydroélectrique qui détourneront plusieurs rivières. Ces activités industrielles composent la toile de fond pour non seulement évaluer les identités politiques, émergentes mais aussi pour identifier ce que l’apprentissage de comportement politique révèle à propos de la citoyenneté au Chili à l’heure actuelle.

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Quel est le sens donné à l’art par la minorité palestinienne d’Israël dans un contexte où l’État se définit uniquement en termes ethno-nationaux et religieux ? Les écrits sur l’art en contextes coloniaux et postcoloniaux ont tendance à considérer l’art comme une ressource de revendication identitaire face à une situation de domination. Autrement dit, l’art est souvent présenté comme un acte politique de reconnaissance à travers l’affirmation d’une contre-identité. Suite à un travail intensif de terrain ethnographique dans la région, cette recherche démontre que pour les artistes palestiniens en Israël, l’aspect politique de l’art ne vient pas de sa capacité à exprimer des revendications identitaires. À travers l’observation des pratiques et l’analyse des discours des artistes, elle remet en question la relation présumée entre l'art et l'identité. Plus concrètement, elle analyse les pratiques d’un groupe d’artistes issus d’une minorité nationale indigène dont le travail artistique constitue une interruption des régimes spatiotemporels d'identification. L’aspect politique du travail des artistes palestiniens en Israël s’exprime à travers un processus de désidentification, un refus de réduire l’art à des catégories identitaires dominantes. Les œuvres de ces artistes permettent l’expression d’une rupture esthétique, manifestant un « ayant lieu » politique qui se trouve entre l'art et le non-art. Il s’agit d’un espace qui permet la rupture de l’ordre sensible de la société israélienne à travers l’affirmation et la vérification d’une égalité qui existe déjà.

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This article seeks to explain how and why groups and networks of undocumented migrants mobilizing in Berlin, Montréal, and Paris since the beginning of the 2000s construct different types of claims. The authors explore the relationship between undocumented migrants and state authorities at the local level through the concept of the citizenship regime and its specific application to undocumented migrants (which they describe as the “borderline citizenship regime”). Despite their common formal exclusion from citizenship, nonstatus migrants experience different degrees and forms of exclusion in their daily lives, in terms of access to certain rights and services, recognition, and belonging within the state (whether through formally or nonformally recognized means). As a result, they have an opportunity to create different, specific forms of leeway in the society in which they live. The concurrence of these different degrees of exclusion and different forms of leeway defines specific conditions of mobilization. The authors demonstrate how the content of their claims is influenced by these conditions of mobilization.

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In this study the relationship between Innovative HR practices and selected HR outcomes is investigated.The current study represents a unique attempt to study the effects of innovative HR practices,with job satisfaction,organisational commitment and organisational citizenship bahaviour considered as the consequent variables.Results have affirmed the role of intervening variables such as job satisfaction and organisational commitment in establishing the link between IHRP and OCB obliterating any direct relation between IHRP and organisational citizenship behaviour.This finding may enable researchers in the human resource management to develop more robust understandings of the positive effects of innnovative HR practices on HR outcomes.Thus the present study provides the obvious contribution of weaving up yet another linkage between the two complimentary disciplines of Human Resource Management and Organisational Behaviour.The present study also contributes to the understanding of OCB by exploring its antecedents and extending the intervening role of job satisfaction and organisational commitment.The findings indicate that a higher level of introduction/initiation and satisfaction of innovative HR practices produces high job satisfaction and organisational commitment which lead to OCB.The researcher drew upon the perception-attitude-behaviour model to further realise the expected relationship among innovative HR practices,job satisfaction,organisational commitment and organisational citizenship behaviour.Consequently,this study makes a contribution to the broader organisational citizenship behaviour literature by manifesting the extended relationship path from innovative HR practices to organisational citizenship behaviour,and demonstrating that innovative Hr practices at the organisational level has an effect on employee attitudes and behaviours as well.

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The primary focus of this study was to asses the impact of selected antecedent variables namely Psychological Empowerment at Work (PEW), Psychological Contract Violation (PCV), Work Life Balance (WLB), Job Satisfaction (JS) and Affective Organisational Commitment (AOC) on Managerial Performance (MP) of middle level managers of private sector manufacturing and service sector organisations in Kerala.The study brings out the significance of Job Attitudes namely Job Satisfaction and Affective Organisational Commitment in meaningfully explaining the linkage between the rest of the antecedent variables in the study and Managerial Performance. The study interestingly revealed that Job Attitudes play a mediating role in explaining performance of managers unlike visualised in the initial conceptual framework. The study points to the importance of taking care of job attitudes in the work place to ensure performance of managers. The result of the study also brings out the significance of maintaining work-life balance especially in service sector organisations because it will have a direct impact on the level of performance of managers than most of the other contextual factors. Hence, it is the responsibility of HR department to initiate activities which are customised to the collective aspirations of the members of respective organisations to ensure positive job attitudes. HR departments should advice and convince the top management to provide resource support and endorsement to such initiatives.

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The aim of this activity is to allow students to explore the nature of political action, which can be thought of as a form of active as opposed to passive citizenship. By learning about and reflecting upon past instances of political action, or activism, students will be able to start thinking about what is likely to make a campaign successful. It is intended that these reflections can then be applied to their own actions as active citizens. It is hoped that the historical case studies combined with the information provided on different campaigning tools and methods will help to make students feel empowered and inspired to take action. In setting students the task of planning an action, it is expected that time management and organizational skills will be improved. It is believed that by putting themselves in the shoes of activists and going through the process of planning an action, they will have an engaged learning experience. The reflective element of the activity encourages students to form and defend opinions on the relative strengths and weaknesses of different campaigning methods, and on the acceptable limits to political action. This learning activity has been designed presuming no prior knowledge of activism or its methods, and has been successfully used with first year undergraduate students from a variety of disciplines. However, the activity provides a basis for more in-depth study of several issues, or alternatively study into further examples of campaign organizations. There are 3 different learning activities presented on this web site. For a dynamic and well-illustrated introduction to contemporary activism, see Jordan, T. (2002) Activism!: Direct Action, Hacktivism and the Future of Society, London: Reaktion Books Ltd. This material is also available via JORUM.

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Esta serie presenta un contenido adaptado a la materia de Educación para la Ciudadanía para alumnos de más de catorce años y está concebida para fomentar en las escuelas la cultura política, la responsabilidad social y moral y, la participación en la vida comunitaria. En concreto, este texto proporciona al estudiante información actualizada sobre las leyes y sobre el funcionamiento de los tribunales de justicia, la policía y los servicios penitenciarios en Gran Bretaña. Se acompaña de un material-recurso para el profesor.

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Este recurso ayuda al profesor a explicar el contenido de la materia de Educación para la Ciudadanía a los alumnos de la etapa 4 del curriculo nacional inglés (key stage 4) y del General Certificate Secondary Education (GCSE). Dispone de actividades fotocopiables que apoyan y complementan a los cinco libros del estudiante; también incorpora fuentes adicionales de información para fomentar en los estudiantes habilidades de investigación.

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Libro dirigido a profesores que imparten la asignatura de educación para la ciudadanía en relación con PSHE (Personal, Social and Health Education - Educación personal, social y de la salud), en los niveles Key Stage 3 y 4. Está estructurado en cinco temas basados en una pregunta clave: ¿cómo pueden los colegios tratar los casos de acoso escolar?, ¿cómo afecta la bebida a los jóvenes?, ¿cómo afectan nuestras elecciones a nuestra forma de vida y a nuestra salud?, ¿es el dinero el motor del mundo?, ¿cómo afecta la violencia doméstica a los jóvenes y qué hay que hacer para combatirla? El libro incluye un CD-Rom con material de apoyo.

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The main thesis of this paper is that Freire’s original experience in Angicos anticipated a grand design for social transformation of educational systems. As such it brought together two key concepts that formulated the basis of his educational system: popular culture as an counter-hegemonic project and popular education, more particularly what was later called citizen schools or public popular education as keystone of his new educational system. I use the term Paulo Freire System to show that his original attempts were not only to challenge pedagogical the prevailing banking education system that was so pervasive in Brazil and Latin American at the time. In challenging the hegemony of banking education, its narrative, theoretical foundations, epistemology and methodology, Freire and his team sought to create a new system that could replace the old one. They saw banking education not only as obsolete in terms of modernization of systems but also oppressive in gnoseological, epistemological and political terms. In the conclusion of this paper I will discuss the twins obsessions of Freire, already present in the Angicos experience and that will stay with him throughout his life: the relationship between democracy, citizenship and education, and education as a postcolonial ethical act of social transformation. I would like to emphasize therefore that the Paulo Freire system, as conceived in the Angicos experience and its aftermath was a much larger and comprehensive system that originally considered, even by his critics.

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In this article we focus on the dual identities of relatively young Trinidadians who have decided to return to the island of their birth, or of their parents, while still in their thirties and forties. Highly-educated professional transnational migrants mostly make tip our sample of 36; 26 possess dual citizenship. We focus on our informants' narratives about their transnational experiences, self-appraisals of their dual identities and how they value dual citizenship. More generally, we ask does transnationalism supplant nationalism among our returning informants? Unsurprisingly, the diverse responses we document do not support the commonly held explanatory relationship between return adaptations, 'national belonging' and the expected dominance of 'transnational belonging'. Family, relations intervene significantly, both to encourage transnationalism and to strengthen nationalism. Feelings of notional belonging often accompany transnationalism. Notably, we view dual citizenship strategically and pragmatically as advantageous to the continuation of transnational practices.

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Rights as well as democracy play a crucial role in the legitimacy of the EU and constitutional patriotism has been influential in attempting to link them together. The article seeks to engage in a critique of constitutional patriotism on two fronts. First, it distinguishes between the various types of right that exist within EU law-Community, citizenship and fundamental-and then analyses the place of these rights within various political models of the EU ranging from nationalism to republicanism. It argues that constitutional patriotism does not enjoy a monopoly on rights discourse in the EU: most models of the EU see a place for rights; it is just that the type of right supported varies. Secondly, advocates of constitutional patriotism argue that EU rights generate European identity. The article questions the extent to which this is the case, arguing that identity potential varies considerably according to the type of EU right concerned.