Various congregational resolutions

Digital image

Draft of letter by Jacques Judah Lyons to Sir Moses Montefiore, sending him payment for the Jews of Palestine, and acknowledgement

Digital image

Copy of letter from Jacques Judah Lyons to Sir Moses Montefiore enclosing bill of exchange for Palestinian Jews

Digital image

What consumers think, do and say about antibiotic use

Objective The objectives of this study were to investigate (1) the attitudes and behaviours of Australian consumers in antibiotic use, and (2) their understanding of antibiotic resistance. Methods Semi-structured interviews were conducted with consumers in May/June 2015. Convenience sampling was used to recruit consumers between 18–54 years old. Thirty-two consumers were interviewed. Transcripts were analysed to identify themes. Lessons Learned Dominant themes for attitudes and behaviours regarding antibiotics were (a) avoidance of antibiotic use unless clinically warranted; (b) antibiotics were useful but “weakened the body”; and (c) use of complementary medicines as adjuncts to antibiotics or to strengthen the immune system. Key information needs were (a) unambiguous instructions from GPs when prescribed antibiotics, to avoid inappropriate medicine-taking behaviour; (b) rationale for antibiotic selection; and (c) treatment duration. Antibiotic resistance was conceptualised in three ways: as a property of the body (body becomes resistant to antibiotics); the medication (antibiotic no longer effective); and the bacteria (bacteria is resistant). Antibiotic resistance was perceived as an issue that would only affect the wider community in the future, although most recognised that it is a current challenge for hospitals. Personal good health and/or avoidance of antibiotics were perceived as insurance against being adversely affected by antibiotic resistance. Implications A structured survey (discrete choice experiment) will be developed from these findings to investigate how consumers trade-off on factors influencing antibiotic use. Public health campaigns promoting conservation of antibiotics can benefit from these findings.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Cardiac function before and after treatment for various types of loading conditions and in myocardial restriction : A prospective study on pediatric patients with two- and three-dimensional echocardiography and measurement of serum natriuretic peptides

Background: The incidence of all forms of congenital heart defects is 0.75%. For patients with congenital heart defects, life-expectancy has improved with new treatment modalities. Structural heart defects may require surgical or catheter treatment which may be corrective or palliative. Even those with corrective therapy need regular follow-up due to residual lesions, late sequelae, and possible complications after interventions. Aims: The aim of this thesis was to evaluate cardiac function before and after treatment for volume overload of the right ventricle (RV) caused by atrial septal defect (ASD), volume overload of the left ventricle (LV) caused by patent ductus arteriosus (PDA), and pressure overload of the LV caused by coarctation of the aorta (CoA), and to evaluate cardiac function in patients with Mulibrey nanism. Methods: In Study I, of the 24 children with ASD, 7 underwent surgical correction and 17 percutaneous occlusion of ASD. Study II had 33 patients with PDA undergoing percutaneous occlusion. In Study III, 28 patients with CoA underwent either surgical correction or percutaneous balloon dilatation of CoA. Study IV comprised 26 children with Mulibrey nanism. A total of 76 healthy voluntary children were examined as a control group. In each study, controls were matched to patients. All patients and controls underwent clinical cardiovascular examinations, two-dimensional (2D) and three-dimensional (3D) echocardiographic examinations, and blood sampling for measurement of natriuretic peptides prior to the intervention and twice or three times thereafter. Control children were examined once by 2D and 3D echocardiography. M-mode echocardiography was performed from the parasternal long axis view directed by 2D echocardiography. The left atrium-to-aorta (LA/Ao) ratio was calculated as an index of LA size. The end-diastolic and end-systolic dimensions of LV as well as the end-diastolic thicknesses of the interventricular septum and LV posterior wall were measured. LV volumes, and the fractional shortening (FS) and ejection fraction (EF) as indices of contractility were then calculated, and the z scores of LV dimensions determined. Diastolic function of LV was estimated from the mitral inflow signal obtained by Doppler echocardiography. In three-dimensional echocardiography, time-volume curves were used to determine end-diastolic and end-systolic volumes, stroke volume, and EF. Diastolic and systolic function of LV was estimated from the calculated first derivatives of these curves. Results: (I): In all children with ASD, during the one-year follow-up, the z score of the RV end-diastolic diameter decreased and that of LV increased. However, dilatation of RV did not resolve entirely during the follow-up in either treatment group. In addition, the size of LV increased more slowly in the surgical subgroup but reached control levels in both groups. Concentrations of natriuretic peptides in patients treated percutaneously increased during the first month after ASD closure and normalized thereafter, but in patients treated surgically, they remained higher than in controls. (II): In the PDA group, at baseline, the end-diastolic diameter of LV measured over 2SD in 5 of 33 patients. The median N-terminal pro-brain natriuretic peptide (proBNP) concentration before closure measured 72 ng/l in the control group and 141 ng/l in the PDA group (P = 0.001) and 6 months after closure measured 78.5 ng/l (P = NS). Patients differed from control subjects in indices of LV diastolic and systolic function at baseline, but by the end of follow-up, all these differences had disappeared. Even in the subgroup of patients with normal-sized LV at baseline, the LV end-diastolic volume decreased significantly during follow-up. (III): Before repair, the size and wall thickness of LV were higher in patients with CoA than in controls. Systolic blood pressure measured a median 123 mm Hg in patients before repair (P < 0.001) and 103 mm Hg one year thereafter, and 101 mm Hg in controls. The diameter of the coarctation segment measured a median 3.0 mm at baseline, and 7.9 at the 12-month (P = 0.006) follow-up. Thicknesses of the interventricular septum and posterior wall of the LV decreased after repair but increased to the initial level one year thereafter. The velocity time integrals of mitral inflow increased, but no changes were evident in LV dimensions or contractility. During follow-up, serum levels of natriuretic peptides decreased correlating with diastolic and systolic indices of LV function in 2D and 3D echocardiography. (IV): In 2D echocardiography, the interventricular septum and LV posterior wall were thicker, and velocity time integrals of mitral inflow shorter in patients with Mulibrey nanism than in controls. In 3D echocardiography, LV end-diastolic volume measured a median 51.9 (range 33.3 to 73.4) ml/m² in patients and 59.7 (range 37.6 to 87.6) ml/m² in controls (P = 0.040), and serum levels of ANPN and proBNP a median 0.54 (range 0.04 to 4.7) nmol/l and 289 (range 18 to 9170) ng/l, in patients and 0.28 (range 0.09 to 0.72) nmol/l (P < 0.001) and 54 (range 26 to 139) ng/l (P < 0.001) in controls. They correlated with several indices of diastolic LV function. Conclusions (I): During the one-year follow-up after the ASD closure, RV size decreased but did not normalize in all patients. The size of the LV normalized after ASD closure but the increase in LV size was slower in patients treated surgically than in those treated with the percutaneous technique. Serum levels of ANPN and proBNP were elevated prior to ASD closure but decreased thereafter to control levels in patients treated with the percutaneous technique but not in those treated surgically. (II): Changes in LV volume and function caused by PDA disappeared by 6 months after percutaneous closure. Even the children with normal-sized LV benefited from the procedure. (III): After repair of CoA, the RV size and the velocity time integrals of mitral inflow increased, and serum levels of natriuretic peptides decreased. Patients need close follow-up, despite cessation of LV pressure overload, since LV hypertrophy persisted even in normotensive patients with normal growth of the coarctation segment. (IV): In children with Mulibrey nanism, the LV wall was hypertrophied, with myocardial restriction and impairment of LV function. Significant correlations appeared between indices of LV function, size of the left atrium, and levels of natriuretic peptides, indicating that measurement of serum levels of natriuretic peptides can be used in the clinical follow-up of this patient group despite its dependence on loading conditions.

Paimen vailla hiippakuntaa : Kenttäpiispan viran synty ja vaikutus sotilaspapiston asemaan Suomen puolustusvoimissa ja kirkossa vuosina 1939 - 1944

The main purpose of this research is to shed light on the factors that gave rise to the office of Field Bishop in the years 1939-1944. How did military bishophood affect the status of the head of military pastoral care and military clergy during these years? The main sources of my research are the collections in the Finnish National Archives, and I use a historical-qualitative method. The position of the military clergy was debated within both the Church and the Defence Forces before 1939. At that stage, Church law did not yet recognize the office of the leading military priest, the Field Dean. There had been a motion in 1932 to introduce the office of a military bishop, but the bishops' synod blocked it. The concept of Field Bishop appeared for the first time in 1927 in a Finnish military document, which dealt with pastoral care in the Polish military. The Field Dean in Finland had regularly proposed improvements to the salary of the military clergy before the Winter War. After the Winter War, arguments were made for strengthening the position of the military clergy: these arguments were based on the increased respect shown towards this clergy, especially due to their role in the care of the fallen, which had become their task during the war. Younger members of the military clergy in particular supported the demands to improve their position within the Church and the army. The creation of a Field Bishop was perceived as strengthening the whole military clergy, as the Field Bishop was envisioned as a bishop within the Church and a general within the Defence Forces. During that time the Field Dean was still without any military rank. The idea of a Field Bishop was recommended to Mannerheim in June 1940, after which the Defence Forces lent their support to the cause. The status of the military clergy, in Church law, made it to the agenda of the Church council in January 1941, thanks largely to the younger priests' group influence and Mannerheim's leverage. The bishops opposed the notion of a Field Bishop mostly on theological grounds but were ready to concede that the position the Field Dean in Church law required further defining. The creation of the office of Field Bishop was blocked in the Church law committee report issued close to the beginning of the Continuation War. The onset of that war, however, changed the course of events, as the President of the Republic appointed Field Dean Johannes Björklund as Field Bishop. Speculation has abounded about Mannerheim's role in the appointment, but the truth of the matter is not clear. The title of Field Bishop was used to put pressure on the Church, and, at the same time, Mannerheim could remain detached from the matter. Later, in September 1941, the Church council approved the use of the Field Bishop title to denote the head of military pastoral care in Church law, and Field Bishops were assigned some of the duties formerly pertaining to bishops. Despite all expectations and hopes, the new office of Field Bishop did not affect the status of the military clergy within the Defence Forces, as no ranks were established for them, and their salary did not improve. However the office of the Field Bishop within Army HQ was transformed from a bureau into a department in the summer of 1942. At the beginning of the Continuation War, the Field Bishop was criticized by certain military and Church clergy for favouring Russian Orthodox Christians in Eastern Karelia. Björklund agreed in principle with most of the Lutheran clergy on the necessity of Lutheranizing East Karelia but had to take into account the realities at Army HQ. As well, at the same time the majority of the younger clergy were serving in the army, and there was a lack of parish priests on the home front. Bishop Lehtonen had actually expressed the wish that more priests could have been released from the front to serve in local parishes. In his notes Lehtonen accused Björklund of trying to achieve the position of Field Bishop by all possible means. However, research has revealed a varied group of people behind the creation of the office of Field Bishop, including in particular younger clergy and the Defence Forces.

Surface Ligand Population Controlled Oriented Attachment: A Case of CdS Nanowires

using two types of organic ligands having similar chemical structure but different physical properties and varying their dynamic population at the surface of zinc blende seed nanocrystals, self-assembled zinc blende semicircular-shaped bent nanowires of CdS are synthesized via a colloidal synthetic approach. It is found that the hydrophobic tail interaction of long-chain ligands puts strain on these thin nanowires (< 2 nm diameter) and bend them to some extent, forming strained nanowires.

Synthesis of Diversified Thioethers,1-Aroylalkylisoquinolin-1-yl Thioethers, by Electrophilic S-Alkylation of 3-Phenyl Isoquinoline-1(2H)-thione

A mild and efficient method for the synthesis of thioethers has been developed. The 3-phenylisoquinoline-1(2H)-thione underwent S-alkylation to afford structurally diverse sulfides in high yield.

Effects of Mean Luminance Changes on Human Contrast Perception

Background When we are viewing natural scenes, every saccade abruptly changes both the mean luminance and the contrast structure falling on any given retinal location. Thus it would be useful if the two were independently encoded by the visual system, even when they change simultaneously. Recordings from single neurons in the cat visual system have suggested that contrast information may be quite independently represented in neural responses to simultaneous changes in contrast and luminance. Here we test to what extent this is true in human perception. Methodology/Principal Findings Small contrast stimuli were presented together with a 7-fold upward or downward step of mean luminance (between 185 and 1295 Td, corresponding to 14 and 98 cd/m2), either simultaneously or with various delays (50–800 ms). The perceived contrast of the target under the different conditions was measured with an adaptive staircase method. Over the contrast range 0.1–0.45, mainly subtractive attenuation was found. Perceived contrast decreased by 0.052±0.021 (N = 3) when target onset was simultaneous with the luminance increase. The attenuation subsided within 400 ms, and even faster after luminance decreases, where the effect was also smaller. The main results were robust against differences in target types and the size of the field over which luminance changed. Conclusions/Significance Perceived contrast is attenuated mainly by a subtractive term when coincident with a luminance change. The effect is of ecologically relevant magnitude and duration; in other words, strict contrast constancy must often fail during normal human visual behaviour. Still, the relative robustness of the contrast signal is remarkable in view of the limited dynamic response range of retinal cones. We propose a conceptual model for how early retinal signalling may allow this.

Oikeusvaltion paradoksin äärellä. Tasavallan suojelulakiesityksistä käyty eduskuntakeskustelu vuosina 1930 ja 1936

Tutkimuksessa lähestytään oikeusvaltion paradoksia tarkastelemalla sen ilmenemistä valtiopäiväkeskusteluissa, joita käytiin hallituksen esityksistä tasavallan suojelulaiksi vuosina 1930 ja 1936. Oikeusvaltion paradoksin ytimessä on kysymys siitä, miten yksityisen oikeussubjektin myös valtion harjoittamalta mielivallalta nauttima suoja voidaan taata, kun eduskunta on ylin lainsäätäjä ja voi muuttaa myös perustuslakia, jossa tuo suoja taataan. Tämä kysymys korostuu etenkin poikkeusoloissa, jolloin toimeenpanovallalla tulisi olla riittävät valtuudet vaikean tilanteen ratkaisemiseksi. Oikeusvaltion paradoksin kannalta keskeisiä ovat muodollinen, laillisuutta ja muotoja painottava sekä materiaalinen, oikeusjärjestyksen sisällöllisiä periaatteita, kuten perusoikeuksia painottava oikeusvaltiotulkinta. Nämä kaksi tulkintaa ovat vaikeissa tilanteissa toistensa kanssa ristiriidassa ja päättäjät joutuvat tasapainoilemaan niiden välillä: toimiako tehokkaasti yhteiskuntajärjestyksen turvaamiseksi, jolloin on riski valtion sisältä käsin tapahtuvasta oikeusvaltion murenemisesta, vai kunnioittaako perusoikeuksia ja altistaa valtakunta ulkoiselle vallankaappaukselle tai muille järjestyshäiriöille. Tutkimuskysymystä tarkastellaan vuosina 1930 ja 1936 eduskunnalle annettujen hallituksen tasavallan suojelulakiesitysten myötä. Esitykset tasavallan suojelulaiksi antoivat presidentille oikeuden, mikäli valtakuntaa uhkasi vaara tai yleinen järjestys ja turvallisuus olivat uhattuina, rajoittaa tiettyjä hallitusmuodon toisessa luvussa taattuja perusoikeuksia. Vuonna 1930 lapuanliikkeen aiheuttama vallankaappauksen uhka oli todellinen ja hallituksen oli pakko antaa sen vaatimia säädöksiä kommunistisen toiminnan tukahduttamiseksi. Paradoksaalisesti laki oli samanaikaisesti lapuanliikkeen painostuksen tulos että yritys ottaa tilanne haltuun poikkeuslailla. Vuonna 1936 tilanne oli huomattavasti rauhallisempi. Lakia perusteltiin sekä maailmanpoliittisen tilanteen epävakaudella että tarpeella säätää poikkeustilanteista etukäteen osana pysyvää lainsäädäntöä. Valtuuksia ei kuitenkaan haluttu säätää osaksi valtiosääntöä, vaan säädös annettiin erillisenä poikkeuslakina. Eduskuntakeskustelussa kannat jakautuivat yleisesti ottaen siten, että lakien vastustajat esittivät materiaaliseen oikeusvaltiotulkintaan ja kannattajat muodolliseen oikeusvaltiotulkintaan lukeutuvia argumentteja. Vastustajien mielestä oli tärkeää kunnioittaa kansalaisten perusoikeuksia ja perustuslakien pysyvyyttä. He myös pelkäsivät lakien mahdollistamaa hallinnollista mielivaltaa. Lakien kannattajat puolestaan korostivat demokratian itsepuolustuksen tärkeyttä: oli yksilön kannalta parasta oikeusturvaa, että kumoukselliset voimat voitiin pitää kurissa. Vuoden 1930 laki jätettiin lepäämään yli vaalien ja hyväksyttiin lopullisesti syksyllä 1930. Se oli osa kommunistilakipakettia, mutta sitä käytettiin lapuanliikkeen hillitsemiseksi ja Mäntsälän kapinan kukistamiseksi vuonna 1932. Vuoden 1936 laki hylättiin eduskunnassa. Vuonna 1939 annettiin vielä kolmas hallituksen esitys tasavallan suojelulaiksi. Se jätettiin lepäämään yli vaalien ja hyväksyttiin syksyllä 1939. Hallituksen laajennettuja valtuuksia tarvittiin tällä kertaa sellaisia henkilöitä vastaan, joista voisi olla uhkaa Suomen ulkoiselle turvallisuudelle. Lain nojalla tehtiin satoja poliittiseen vasemmistoon kohdistuneita turvasäilöpidätyksiä sodan aikana. Tämä laki on kuitenkin rajattu tutkimuksen ulkopuolelle.

Kun kansa itse ratkaisee arvoituksen. Tattarisuon tapauksen määrittely käytännöllisessä diskurssissa

Pro gradu -tutkielmani käsittelee vuoden 1931 syyskuussa Helsingin lähistöllä paljastunutta ruumiinsilvontarikosta, joka tunnetaan yleisimmin Tattarisuon tapauksen nimellä. Rikoksen selvittäminen osoittautui vaikeaksi, ja poliisi ratkaisi sen monien vaiheiden jälkeen vasta vuoden 1932 elokuussa. Syylliset olivat köyhiä helsinkiläisiä, joiden vaikuttimet liittyivät taikauskoon. Tattarisuon tapaus synnytti syksyllä 1931 suuren mediakohun, josta kirjoitettiin suomalaisissa sanomalehdissä lähes päivittäin. Tapauksen alkuvaiheessa tiedot olivat vähäisiä, joten erilaiset huhut ja tapauksen ratkaisemiseksi kehitetyt teoriat olivat lehtikirjoituksissa näkyvällä sijalla. Niin ikään lehtiä seuranneen yleisön piirissä kehitettiin tapauksesta omia tulkintoja, joista osa saatettiin myös viranomaisten tiedoksi näille lähetetyissä vihjekirjeissä. Tutkielman aineisto koostuu enimmäkseen edellä mainituista sanomalehtikirjoituksista ja vihjekirjeistä, joita tutkin laadullisen sisällönanalyysin keinoin. Tarkoitukseni on selvittää, miten ja miksi Tattarisuon tapauksen johdosta julkisuudessa esitetyt teoriat erosivat sekä toisistaan että poliisin myöhemmin esittämästä ratkaisusta. Työssä käytetyn julkisuuden käsitteen olen mukaillut Hannu Niemisen kansallisen julkisuuden käsitteestä. Aineiston analyysissa on käynyt ilmi, että lehdistöä kontrolloivien kansallisten eliittien oli vaikea hyväksyä sitä, että rikos perustui kansanomaiseen taikauskoon. Eliitit kokivat tällaisen taikauskon esiintymisen Helsingin läheisyydessä vielä 1930-luvulla häpeälliseksi pääkaupungin ja koko Suomen kannalta sekä pelkäsivät tämän vaikuttavan negatiivisesti Suomesta ulkomailla vallitseviin käsityksiin. Vihjekirjeiden perusteella tapausta seuranneen yleisön tulkinnat olivat rauhallisempia, sillä suuri osa yleisöstä näyttää olleen tietoinen taikauskon levinneisyydestä.