905 resultados para war on terror


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This paper traces representations of the black body, which I have related to contemporary masculine identities in Fiji. I have linked historical representations to what I perceive as the ongoing commodification of the Fijian body and argue that opportunities that have arisen from conflict in the Middle East have had a significant impact on employment opportunities for Fijians. I have framed the discussion around a description and analysis of my own photographic and installation artworks produced between 2007 and 2009.

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This article examines the processes of remembering and transmitting experiences of the Great War within families of Australian veterans now passed on. It focuses on a recent boom in private publishing of ancestors’ personal letters and diaries and argues that these practices continue to reimagine and reshape family memories of the war. In so doing it exposes the range of family members implicated in family remembrance then and now, and so complicates any process by which a war almost beyond living memory is to become entirely understood by its public myths and representations.

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In 1943, at the Berlin Sportspalast, Joseph Goebbels made his infamous speech on 'total war', appealing to the crowd to represent Germany as a nation and asking them whether they wanted a war 'more total and radical' than had been previously imagined. In Australia in 1944, the idea of this 'total war' struck a resonance with German civilians interned in Tatura, Victoria. Writing to protest a planned release of internees, these Camp 3 internees claimed an involvement in the 'total war', arguing that any release from the camp would necessitate working towards the 'total destruction of the political, economical and cultural existence of the German Reich and the German nation.' A curious, and important, part of their argument was that such a release would mean that their 'cultural life would be endangered.' It is precisely this 'cultural life' within internment that I wish to examine in this paper.

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This article examines the ‘vision splendid’ that existed for Australian migration following World War II. That vision (championed by the then Minister for Immigration, Arthur Calwell) was myopic, but is still pertinent to current debates on Australian Migration, particularly in the way that migrants were placed in categories of the desirable. This paper uses a particular migrant group, the Temple Society, to illustrate the concerns of 1940s immigration policy. This group was interned in Australia during World War II and underwent postwar investigations by the then newly formed Department of Immigration.

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In this paper, I play with the metaphors of war and peace (with apologies to Leo Tolstoy) as a strategy for describing the relations between (some) social science researchers and human research ethics committees. Even a cursory survey of recent literature reveals a raft of grievances and grumblings amongst researchers about the operation and decisions of research ethics committees. This paper presents a partial survey from both sides of some of the claims that have triggered this unofficial declaration of war, and discusses the implications for ethical research. My central argument is that the truly ethical moment lies in mutual and constructive conversations and critique between ethics committees and researchers.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to identify key questions that should be addressed to enable the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) to provide guidance regarding the alignment of anti-money laundering, combating of financing of terror and financial inclusion objectives.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper draws on relevant research and documents of the FATF to identify questions that are relevant to consider when it formulates guidance regarding the alignment between financial integrity and financial inclusion objectives.
Findings – The FATF advises that its risk-based approach enables countries and institutions to further financial inclusion. It is, however, not clear what the FATF means when its uses the terms “risk” and “low risk”. It is also unclear whether current proposals for financial inclusion regulatory models will necessarily limit money laundering (ML) aswell as terror financing risks to levels that can be described as “low”. The FATF will need to clarify its own thinking regarding low money laundering and low terror financing risk before it will be able to provide clear guidance to national regulators and financial institutions.
Originality/value – This paper was drafted to inform current FATF discussions regarding guidance on financial inclusion. The questions are relevant to all stakeholders in financial regulation.

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If place identities are created by ascribing subjective meaning to sites and buildings it follows that diverse groups will consider place meaning differently. This poses a challenge for the selection and interpretation of heritage sites in plural societies where notions of architectural significance are likely to conflict. Basing heritage policy on the premise of a shared heritage is particularly challenging when the cultural traditions of the past underlie definitions of architectural significance in a more culturally diverse present. This paper presents an introduction to research exploring the inclusion of twentieth century migrant built heritage in Australia. Through selected examples of recently recognised heritage sites in Melbourne, the paper considers how migrant heritage is included and what this reveals about the cultural traditions underlying Australian heritage discourses. The inclusion of migrant places suggests that there is an initial shift in heritage discourses where notions of architectural significance have expanded to include the history of post-war migration. However, the examples raise questions about the nature of cultural inclusivity in heritage frameworks.

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Cultural differences in end-of-life care and the moral disagreements these sometimes give rise to have been well documented. Even so, cultural considerations relevant to end-of-life care remain poorly understood, poorly guided, and poorly resourced in health care domains. Although there has been a strong emphasis in recent years on making policy commitments to patient-centred care and respecting patient choices, persons whose minority cultural worldviews do not fit with the worldviews supported by the conventional principles of western bioethics face a perpetual struggle in getting their care needs met in a meaningful, safe, and healing way. In this essay, attention is given to exploring why cultural differences exist, why they matter, and how health care providers should treat them in order to reduce the incidence and impact of otherwise preventable harmful moral outcomes in end-of-life care. In addressing these questions, a novel application of the renowned terror management theory will be made.

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In The Scar That Binds, Keith Beattie examines the central metaphors of the Vietnam War and their manifestations in American culture and life. Blending history and cultural criticism in a lucid style, this provocative book discusses an ideology of unity that has emerged through widespread rhetorical and cultural references to the war. A critique of this ideology reveals three dominant themes structured in a range of texts: the "wound," "the voice" of the Vietnam veteran, and "home." The analysis of each theme draws on a range of sources, including film, memoir, poetry, written and oral history, journalism, and political speeches.

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This book examines Australia's role in the British Empire's policy of Appeasment in the years from the time Hitler came to power 1933 to the outbreak of the European War in September 1939. Focusing on the five leading figures in the Australian governments of the 1930s - Joe Lyons, Stanley, Bruce, Robert Menzies, Billy Hughes and Ricahrd Casey - this book examines their responses to the rise of Hitler and the gowing threat of fascism. It provide new insights into the history of Australian foreign policy, British imperial history and the history of the Origins of the Second World War

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THE Obama administration's decision to officially designate the Haqqani Network a terrorist organisation and place it on the State Department's list of Foreign Terrorist Organisations would have been very difficult to make because of its far-reaching implications for US-Pakistan relations.

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Since the end of the Cold War, U.S. policymakers have faced the challenge of addressing the technological requirements of both economic competitiveness and national security. Promoting the technological objectives of competitiveness and security poses a daunting task, as these objectives can differ significantly in terms of autonomy, the private sector’s role, and the time frame involved. The difficulties inherent in meeting these competing needs for technological investment and resources are exacerbated by growing technological globalization. American Technology Policy analyzes the ongoing efforts of politicians, legislators, policymakers, and industry leaders to balance their often-conflicting technological requirements. J. D. Kenneth Boutin examines recent trends and developments in American technology policy as it strives to support high-technology firms without undermining national security. He then considers issues of autonomy, relations between the federal government and industry, and the time frame involved in formulating and implementing policy initiatives, all in the context of globalization. Though satisfying the ambitious American technological agenda is difficult, it is impossible for authorities to avoid making the effort, given the high stakes involved. Boutin’s analysis is intended to inform those who are charged with prioritizing and balancing the technological needs of national defense and economic growth. Although the post–Cold War technology policy of the United States has been characterized by efforts to achieve a balance between these two competing priorities, the dominant focus remains on national security. Boutin explains the ways in which American authorities seek to limit the extent of compromise necessary by working with local and foreign actors and by encouraging structural changes in the environment for technological development, application, and diffusion.

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The Soviet socialist form of urban development was implanted in countries that came under the Soviet Union's influence in the Cold War period, including Vietnam,. Laos and post-Pol Pot Cambodia. These environmental impacts were not only out of tune with traditional cultural patterns when first built, but also now add to the hurdles of urban readjstment facing these countries as they struggle to prepare themselves for reintegratioin into the twenty-first century world.

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This article analyses the history of the Long Tan Memorial in Vietnam in order to open up a space for engaging with the memorialisation of war as something that can go beyond nationalistic sentimentality and create a space for more complex political and social engagements. In doing so I am concerned with exploring the value of an approach to heritage significance that prioritises relationships between places and peoples rather than authenticity and originality. I explore this question by making use of the fact that the Australian War Memorial has borrowed the original Long Tan Cross now in the custodianship of the Dong Nai Museum for a special exhibition to commemorate the Vietnam War. The Australian Vietnam Volunteers Reconstruction Group, who has official custodianship of the replica cross at the Long Tan Memorial site in Vietnam, has expressed disquiet over the loan. I use the Acting Director’s reply to the AVVRG’s Chairman to open up a discussion about the differences in meanings between these two crosses, what underlies these and how we might theorise them in order to open up an understanding of war heritage that recognises its potentials and its limitations.

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 Ten years have passed since the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the political scene in Iraq is still blurry. Iraq was promoted to be the democratic example in the Middle East. The US came to Iraq to “create” a democratic system that can be a model for other countries in the region. A major factor in creating such environment is by changing the radical centralised totalitarian regime with a weak state that can give more space to building the civil society in new Iraq (Looney, 2003). Nonetheless, the socio-economic and political indicators of the newly installed political “democratic” system point to notable failures. Apart from poor socio-economic factors, the new political elite has either misused democracy for personal, ethno-sectarian or partisan gains or abused the system to ensure their long lasting presence in the decision making arena. Corruption, disconnection from electorate, poor performance and carelessness of politicians and failing state service provisions have all made citizens question the feasibility of political participation in elections. The electorate seem to have lesser faith in the political parties and blocs whose legitimacy of representation  is at stake. Noticeably, tribes have stepped forward to mobilise people as a non-partisan and independent powerful social structure. They have been active in lobbying the state as well as encouraging their members for active participation. This paper discusses the extent to which Iraqi tribes are involved in political participation. It explores their roles in active citizenship and the way they represent and mobilise their  members. It also probes whether tribes have the influence on shaping the political trajectory in Iraq.