942 resultados para determinants of the education system in Poland
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Despite significant economic reforms in many Southern Mediterranean EU neighbour countries, their growth performance has on average been subdued. This study analyses the differences in growth performance and macroeconomic stability across Mediterranean countries, to draw lessons for the future. The main findings are that Southern Mediterranean countries should benefit from closer ties with the EU that result in higher levels of trade and FDI inflows, once the turbulence of the ‘Arab Spring’ is resolved, and from the development of financial markets and infrastructure. They will also benefit in keeping inflation under control, which will depend in great part on their ability to maintain fiscal discipline and sustainable current accounts. One of the main challenges for the region will be to implement structural reforms that can help them absorb a large pool of unemployed without creating upward risks to inflation.
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Competition law seeks to protect competition on the market as a means of enhancing consumer welfare and of ensuring an efficient allocation of resources. In order to be successful, therefore, competition authorities should be adequately equipped and have at their disposal all necessary enforcement tools. However, at the EU level the current enforcement system of competition rules allows only for the imposition of administrative fines by the European Commission to liable undertakings. The main objectives, in turn, of an enforcement policy based on financial penalties are two fold: to impose sanctions on infringing undertakings which reflect the seriousness of the violation, and to ensure that the risk of penalties will deter both the infringing undertakings (often referred to as 'specific deterrence') and other undertakings that may be considering anti-competitive activities from engaging in them (often referred to as 'general deterrence'). In all circumstances, it is important to ensure that pecuniary sanctions imposed on infringing undertakings are proportionate and not excessive. Although pecuniary sanctions against infringing undertakings are a crucial part of the arsenal needed to deter competition law violations, they may not be sufficient. One alternative option in that regard is the strategic use of sanctions against the individuals involved in, or responsible for, the infringements. Sanctions against individuals are documented to focus the minds of directors and employees to comply with competition rules as they themselves, in addition to the undertakings in which they are employed, are at risk of infringements. Individual criminal penalties, including custodial sanctions, have been in fact adopted by almost half of the EU Member States. This is a powerful tool but is also limited in scope and hard to implement in practice mostly due to the high standards of proof required and the political consensus that needs first to be built. Administrative sanctions for individuals, on the other hand, promise to deliver up to a certain extent the same beneficial results as criminal sanctions whilst at the same time their adoption is not likely to meet strong opposition and their implementation in practice can be both efficient and effective. Directors’ disqualification, in particular, provides a strong individual incentive for each member, or prospective member, of the Board as well as other senior executives, to take compliance with competition law seriously. It is a flexible and promising tool that if added to the arsenal of the European Commission could bring balance to the current sanctioning system and that, in turn, would in all likelihood make the enforcement of EU competition rules more effective. Therefore, it is submitted that a competition law regime in order to be effective should be able to deliver policy objectives through a variety of tools, not simply by imposing significant pecuniary sanctions to infringing undertakings. It is also clear that individual sanctions, mostly of an administrative nature, are likely to play an increasingly important role as they focus the minds of those in business who might otherwise be inclined to regard infringing the law as a matter of corporate risk rather than of personal risk. At the EU level, in particular, the adoption of directors’ disqualification promises to deliver more effective compliance and greater overall economic impact.
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From the Introduction. There have been major changes in the balance of forces among the key Ukrainian oligarchs, representatives of big business with strong political influence, since the victory of the Maidan revolution. However, these changes have not undermined the oligarchic system per se. Over the past decade or so, the oligarchs have been key players in Ukrainian politics and economy, and they have retained this position until the present. One of the effects of the change of the government in Kyiv and the war in the Donbas was the elimination of the influence of ‘the family’ – the people from Viktor Yanukovych’s inner circle who formed the most expansive oligarchic group in Ukraine at the time of his presidency. The influence of Rinat Akhmetov, the country’s wealthiest man, has also weakened significantly; Akhmetov was one of the most influential people in Ukraine for more than ten years, partly owing to his close bonds with Yanukovych. Dmytro Firtash’s group has also lost a great deal of its influence since Firtash was arrested in Austria in March 2014.
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This paper seeks to explain why the European Union (EU) has had limited influence in Armenia and Azerbaijan in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Combining approaches from external governance, norm diffusion and structural foreign policy, it offers an explanation based on domestic factors in the two countries: the political regime, state capacity, political structures, domestic incentives and the perceived legitimacy of EU rules. Although willingness to reform appears to exist in Armenia, such willingness remains constrained by the country’s vulnerable geopolitical location and high dependence on Russia. By contrast, none of the domestic preconditions for EU influence identified by the analytical framework were found in Azerbaijan. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership has not properly addressed the extent to which the clan structures feed into informal political practices and enforce the sustainability of an existing regime in both countries, and that, in addition, the EU has underestimated the multipolar environment which the two countries have to operate in, making it unlikely that the current policy can reach its objectives in Armenia and Azerbaijan.
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Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.
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The idea behind the reputational measure for assessing power of political actors is that actors involved in a decision-making process have the best view of their fellows' power. There has been, however, no systematic examination of why actors consider other actors as powerful. Consequently, it is unclear whether reputational power measures what it ought to. The paper analyzes the determinants of power attribution and distinguishes intended from unintended determinants in a data-set of power assessment covering 10 political decision-making processes in Switzerland. Results are overall reassuring, but nevertheless point toward self-promotion or misperception biases, as informants systematically attribute more power to actors with whom they collaborate.
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The Itremo region in Central Madagascar comprises a deformed metasedimentary sequence (Itremo Group) that has undergone greenschist to lower amphibolite facies metamorphism. During a first phase of deformation (D1) Itremo Group sediments were deformed into a fold-and-thrust belt and transported toward the E to NE on top of migmatitic gneisses rocks of Anatananarivo block. A second phase of deformation (D2) affected both the fold-and-thrust belt and structurally underlying units, and formed large-scale N-S trending folds with steeply dipping axial planes. A Late Neoproterozoic Th–U–Pb XRF monazite age (565±17 Ma) dates the emplacement of a granite that truncates first-phase structures in the Itremo Group, and indicates that the fold-and-thrust belt formed prior to ≈565 Ma. Th–U–Pb electron microprobe dating was applied to elongated monazites that lie within the first-phase foliation of Itremo Group metapelites. The detrital cores of zoned monazites reveal two distinct age populations at ∼2000 and 1700 Ma, the latter age giving a maximum depositional age for the Itremo Group. Statistical analysis of ages determined from the rims of zoned monazites and from unzoned monazites indicates three Late Proterozoic–Early Paleozoic monazite growth events at about 565–540, 500 and 430 Ma. The oldest age population is contemporaneous within error, with the intrusion of the dated granite. The two younger age populations are found both in the Th–U–Pb and Ar–Ar data; together with the perturbation of the Rb–Sr system we interpret both ages as due to alteration related to fluid circulation events, possibly connected to the emplacement of pegmatite fields in Central Madagascar. Syn-D1 tectonic growth of contact metamorphism minerals such as andalusite has been observed locally in metapelites along the margin of Middle Neoproterozoic (≈800 Ma) granites, suggesting that D1 in the Itremo Group is contemporaneous with the intrusion of granites at ≈800 Ma. The N-S trending D2 folds are associated with ≈E-W shortening during the final assembly of Gondwana in Late Neoproterozoic–Early Cambrian times.
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Surface sediments from the continental slope and rise of North-West Africa between the Canary lslands and the Cape Verde Islands are mainly composed of silt-sized material (2-63 µm). A number of sampling profiles were run normal to the coast and the composition of the silt fraction was determined quantitatively by scanning electron microscope analysis. The carbonate portion of the sediment was found to be nearly exclusively of biogenic origin. The most important contributors are planktonic foraminifers and coccoliths with minor contributions derived from pteropods. Plankton-produced biogenic opal such as diatoms and radiolarians play a very minor role. The high production rates of opal-silica plankton which exists in the surface waters of the NW-African upwelling system does not give rise to corresponding increases of opal accumulation in the bottom sediment. Benthic producers consist mainly of foraminifers and molluscs but the entire input from benthic producers is extremely small. An exception to this occurs in the prodelta sediments of the Senegal river. Downslope particle transport is indicated by the occurrence of shallow-water coralline algae, ascidian sclerites and cliona boring chips and can be traced as far down as the continental rise. The non-carbonate silt fraction mostly consists of quartz which is derived as eolian dust from the Sahara desert by the Harmattan and the NE-Trade-wind system. The percentage of carbonate in the surface sediments directly indicates the relative proportions of autochthonous biogenic components and terrigenous allochthonous quartz particles.
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Analysis of the reproductive system of female vampire squid to determine reproductive strategy and fecundity of vampire squid, accessioned in the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History and collected in 60, 70s from off southern California.
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William Garnett, chairman.
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Federal Highway Administration, Washington, D.C.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Reproduced from type-written copy.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"April 1990"--p.4 of cover.