Can Europe recover without credit?

Data from 135 countries covering five decades suggests that creditless recoveries, in which the stock of real credit does not return to the pre-crisis level for three years after the GDP trough, are not rare and are characterised by remarkable real GDP growth rates: 4.7 percent per year in middle-income countries and 3.2 percent per year in high-income countries. However, the implications of these historical episodes for the current European situation are limited, for two main reasons. First, creditless recoveries are much less common in high-income countries, than in low-income countries which are financially undeveloped. European economies heavily depend on bank loans and research suggests that loan supply played a major role in the recent weak credit performance of Europe. There are reasons to believe that, despite various efforts, normal lending has not yet been restored. Limited loan supply could be disruptive for the European economic recovery and there has been only a minor substitution of bank loans with debt securities. Second, creditless recoveries were associated with significant real exchange rate depreciation, which has hardly occurred so far in most of Europe. This stylised fact suggests that it might be difficult to re-establish economic growth in the absence of sizeable real exchange rate depreciation, if credit growth does not return.

The integraton by trade and FDI of emerging economies: The ASEAN example

The paper investigates the role of regionalization and regional identity in the endeavours of emerging economies to connect successfully to the global world economy. It addresses the question of whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with its loose institutional integration framework, has contributed to the global integration of its very heterogenous members in the first decade of the 21st century – and, if so, what are the drivers behind this. The paper summarizes connecting theories, using a multidisciplinary approach, and uses descriptive statistical analysis to identify the achievements of the ASEAN-6 countries within global trade and foreign direct invesment (FDI) flows in the given time period. We suggest that ASEAN countries, with their efforts to initiate interconnecting regional organizations in Asia, most specifically the ASEAN+3 (APT) construction, did contribute to greater integratedness of member countries; and they have created a regional image with a common market and production base. Such achievements, however, can be in great part attributed to the micro-level activities of international and regional firms wishing to establish cross-border production networks in these countries.

The integration by trade and FDI of emerging economies: The Asian example

The paper investigates the role of regionalization and regional identity in the endeavours of emerging economies to connect successfully to the global world economy. It addresses the question of whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with its loose institutional integration framework, has contributed to the global integration of its very heterogenous members in the first decade of the 21st century – and, if so, what are the drivers behind this. The paper summarizes connecting theories, using a multidisciplinary approach, and uses descriptive statistical analysis to identify the achievements of the ASEAN-6 countries within global trade and foreign direct invesment (FDI) flows in the given time period. We suggest that ASEAN countries, with their efforts to initiate interconnecting regional organizations in Asia, most specifically the ASEAN+3 (APT) construction, did contribute to greater integratedness of member countries; and they have created a regional image with a common market and production base. Such achievements, however, can be in great part attributed to the micro-level activities of international and regional firms wishing to establish cross-border production networks in these countries.

The influence of weak parental and peer attachment on academic achievement among late adolescent college students

The current study examined the influence of weak parental and peer attachment on academic achievement among late adolescent college students. In previous research, weak attachment to parents and/or peers had been found to have an adverse influence on the academic success of college students. This study also examined the potential moderating influence of several cognitive and non-cognitive psychosocial variables that might act as protective factors for weakly attached students and, therefore, enhance their academic competence. Data regarding attachment, cognitive variables, and non-cognitive variables were collected using several self-report measures. The multi-ethnic sample of students in this study (n = 357) attended an urban university. Students were classified into one of nine parental-peer attachment groups (e.g., Low-Low, Medium-Medium, High-High). Attachment groups were compared in terms of cognitive and non-cognitive variables. Contrary to the hypothesis, no statistically significant academic achievement differences were revealed for the group of college students who perceived themselves to be weakly attached to both parents and peers. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) identified the High-High group to be significantly different in terms of academic outcome variables from the other eight groups while the Low-Low group had significantly lower levels of non-cognitive variables than several of the other attachment groups. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses revealed that cognitive variables accounted for significant amounts of variance in academic outcomes and that several non-cognitive variables were significant predictors of scholastic competence. Correlational analyses revealed that parental and peer attachment were positively correlated with several cognitive and non-cognitive variables but neither was significantly correlated with self-reported college GPA. In general, the findings do not provide support for a main effect of weak attachment to parents and peers upon academic adversity among college students. Results suggest that both cognitive variables and non-cognitive variables may moderate academic risk due to weak attachment to parents and peers. Descriptive within group analyses of the Low-Low group revealed a heterogeneous group of students with regards to academic outcomes and scores on non-cognitive measures. Gender and ethnic differences were found for attachment status but not for cognitive or non-cognitive variables. Implications for interventions and suggestions for future research are presented. ^

Weak strangeness changing semi-leptonic process

We have obtained total and differential cross sections for the strangeness changing charged current weak reaction ν L + p → Λ(Σ0) + L+ using standard dipole form factors, where L stands for an electron, muon, or tau lepton, and L + stands for an positron, anti-muon or anti-tau lepton. We calculated these reactions from near threshold few hundred MeV to 8 GeV of incoming neutrino energy and obtained the contributions of the various form factors to the total and differential cross sections. We did this in support of possible experiments which might be carried out by the MINERνA collaboration at Fermilab. The calculation is phenomenologically based and makes use of SU(3) relations to obtain the standard vector current form factors and data from Λ beta decay to obtain the axial current form factor. We also made estimates for the contributions of the pseudoscalar form factor and for the F E and FS form factors to the total and differential cross sections. We discuss our results and consider under what circumstances we might extract the various form factors. In particular we wish to test the SU(3) assumptions made in determining all the form factors over a range of q2 values. Recently new form factors were obtained from recoil proton measurements in electron-proton electromagnetic scattering at Jefferson Lab. We thus calculated the contributions of the individual form factors to the total and differential cross sections for this new set of form factors. We found that the differential and total cross sections for Λ production change only slightly between the two sets of form factors but that the differential and total cross sections change substantially for Σ 0 production. We discuss the possibility of distinguishing between the two cases for the experiments planned by the MINERνA Collaboration. We also undertook the calculation for the inverse reaction e − + p → Λ + νe for a polarized outgoing Λ which might be performed at Jefferson Lab, and provided additional analysis of the contributions of the individual form factors to the differential cross sections for this case. ^

Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

Human Security and Crime in Latin America: The political Capital and Political Impact of Criminal Groups and Belligerents Involved in Illicit Economies

Organized crime and illegal economies generate multiple threats to states and societies. But although the negative effects of high levels of pervasive street and organized crime on human security are clear, the relationships between human security, crime, illicit economies, and law enforcement are highly complex. By sponsoring illicit economies in areas of state weakness where legal economic opportunities and public goods are seriously lacking, both belligerent and criminal groups frequently enhance some elements of human security of the marginalized populations who depend on illicit economies for basic livelihoods. Even criminal groups without a political ideology often have an important political impact on the lives of communities and on their allegiance to the State. Criminal groups also have political agendas. Both belligerent and criminal groups can develop political capital through their sponsorship of illicit economies. The extent of their political capital is dependent on several factors. Efforts to defeat belligerent groups by decreasing their financial flows through suppression of an illicit economy are rarely effective. Such measures, in turn, increase the political capital of anti-State groups. The effectiveness of anti-money laundering measures (AML) also remains low and is often highly contingent on specific vulnerabilities of the target. The design of AML measures has other effects, such as on the size of a country’s informal economy. Multifaceted anti-crime strategies that combine law enforcement approaches with targeted socio-economic policies and efforts to improve public goods provision, including access to justice, are likely to be more effective in suppressing crime than tough nailed-fist approaches. For anti-crime policies to be effective, they often require a substantial, but politically-difficult concentration of resources in target areas. In the absence of effective law enforcement capacity, legalization and decriminalization policies of illicit economies are unlikely on their own to substantially reduce levels of criminality or to eliminate organized crime. Effective police reform, for several decades largely elusive in Latin America, is one of the most urgently needed policy reforms in the region. Such efforts need to be coupled with fundamental judicial and correctional systems reforms. Yet, regional approaches cannot obliterate the so-called balloon effect. If demand persists, even under intense law enforcement pressures, illicit economies will relocate to areas of weakest law enforcement, but they will not be eliminated.

The Argentine Dilemma: “Vulture Funds” and the Risks Posed to Developing Economies

Post-crisis Argentina is a case study of crisis management through debt restructuring. This article examines how Argentina negotiated the external debt in the wake of the sovereign default in December 2001 and now confronts challenges posed by holdout creditors—the so called “vulture funds”. It argues that debt restructuring has put a straitjacket on the national economy, making it virtually impossible for healthy growth short of a break with the international economic order. While Argentina has successfully restructured a $95 billion debt with an unprecedented “hair cut” (around 70% reduction in “net value of debt”), a sustainable growth appears out of reach as long as reliance on the government debt market prevails. In this cycle, the transmission belt of financial crisis to developing countries is characterized by the entry of highly speculative players such as hedge funds, conflicts of interests embedded in “sovereign debt restructuring” (SDR) and vulnerabilities associated with “emerging market debt”.

"New" Social Movements: Alternative Modernities, (Trans)local Nationalisms, and Solidarity Economies

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development.

Weak electron scattering for the 3He-3H transition and the weak nuclear form factors

We calculate the differential cross section for weak electron scattering reaction, e + 3He-' 3H + ve, for energies from 100 MeV to 6 GeV as a function of outgoing nucleus angle from 0 to n/2 radians. We find that the differential cross section at low [q2] increases with electron energy from 0.1 GeV to 6.0 GeV, such that the peak value at 6.0 GeV is approximately 3.2 x 10-40 cm 2 / ster, a factor of 10 larger than the peak value at 0.1 GeV. We also find that the width of the peak falls very rapidly with increasing electron energy. At high [q2] we find that the differential cross section falls by approximately three orders of magnitude making experimental observation at this time unlikely. The contributions of the individual form factors are obtained for electron energies of 0.5GeV and 2.0 GeV. It is found that at low [q2] the form factors, FA(q2) and Fv(q2), make contributions of similar size to the differential cross section and might be simultaneously determined , but for the case of FM(q2) we find that the contribution is too small to determine. It is also found that at large [q2] values, the contribution of FM(q2) is substantially enhanced , but that the cross section is probably too small to enable a direct determination of FM(q2).

Weak interactions in the crystal structures of two indole derivatives

Acknowledgements We thank the EPSRC National Crystallography Service (University of Southampton) for the data collections and the EPSRC National Mass Spectrometry Service (University of Swansea) for the HRMS data.

A Search for a New Particle Decaying to Pairs of Weak Gauge Bosons with the ATLAS Detector

A search for new heavy resonances decaying to boson pairs (WZ, WW or ZZ) using 20.3 inverse femtobarns of proton-proton collision data at a center of mass energy of 8 TeV is presented. The data were recorded by the ATLAS detector at the Large Hadron Collider (LHC) in 2012. The analysis combines several search channels with the leptonic, semi-leptonic and fully hadronic final states. The diboson invariant mass spectrum is studied for local excesses above the Standard Model background prediction, and no significant excess is observed for the combined analysis. 95$\%$ confidence limits are set on the cross section times branching ratios for three signal models: an extended gauge model with a heavy W boson, a bulk Randall-Sundrum model with a spin-2 graviton, and a simplified model with a heavy vector triplet. Among the individual search channels, the fully-hadronic channel is predominantly presented where boson tagging technique and jet substructure cuts are used. Local excesses are found in the dijet mass distribution around 2 TeV, leading to a global significance of 2.5 standard deviations. This deviation from the Standard Model prediction results in many theory explanations, and the possibilities could be further explored using the LHC Run 2 data.

Weak coupling of acoustic-like phonons and magnon dynamics in incommensurate spin ladder compound Sr14Cu24O41

Intriguing lattice dynamics has been predicted for aperiodic crystals that contain incommensurate substructures. Here we report inelastic neutron scattering measurements of phonon and magnon dispersions in Sr14Cu24O41, which contains incommensurate one-dimensional (1D) chain and two-dimensional (2D) ladder substructures. Two distinct acoustic phonon-like modes, corresponding to the sliding motion of one sublattice against the other, are observed for atomic motions polarized along the incommensurate axis. In the long wavelength limit, it is found that the sliding mode shows a remarkably small energy gap of 1.7-1.9 meV, indicating very weak interactions between the two incommensurate sublattices. The measurements also reveal a gapped and steep linear magnon dispersion of the ladder sublattice. The high group velocity of this magnon branch and weak coupling with acoustic phonons can explain the large magnon thermal conductivity in Sr14Cu24O41 crystals. In addition, the magnon specific heat is determined from the measured total specific heat and phonon density of states, and exhibits a Schottky anomaly due to gapped magnon modes of the spin chains. These findings offer new insights into the phonon and magnon dynamics and thermal transport properties of incommensurate magnetic crystals that contain low-dimensional substructures.

The effects of agglomeration economies on the productivity of manufacturing local units in Ireland

The purpose of this study is to examine the effects of agglomeration economies on the productivity of manufacturing local units in Ireland. Four types of agglomeration economies are considered in this study. These are internal economies of scale, localization economies, related variety and urbanization economies. This study makes a number of contributions to the literature. Firstly, this is the first study to conduct an investigation of the effects of agglomeration economies on the productivity of manufacturing local units operating in Ireland. Secondly, this study distinguishes between indigenous and foreign-owned local units which is important given the dual nature of the Irish economy (Krugman, 1997). Thirdly, in addition to considering the effects of agglomeration economies, this study examines the impact of spurious agglomeration on the productivity of foreign-owned local units. Using data from the Census of Industrial Local Units and a series of IV GMM estimators to control for endogeneity, the results of the analysis conducted in Chapter 6 reveal that there are differences in the effects of agglomeration economies on the productivity of indigenous and foreign-owned local units. In Chapter 7 the Census of Industrial Local Units is supplemented by additional data sources and more in-depth measures are generated to capture the features of each of the external agglomeration economies considered in this analysis. There is some evidence to suggest that the availability of local inputs has a negative and significant impact on productivity. The NACE based measures of related variety reveal that the availability of local inputs and knowledge spillovers for related sectors have a negative and significant impact on productivity. There is clear evidence to suggest that urbanization economies are important for increasing the productivity of indigenous local units. The findings reveal that a 1% increase in population density in the NUTS 3 region leads to an increase in the productivity of indigenous local units of approximately 0.07% to 0.08%. The results also reveal that there is a significant difference in the effects of agglomeration economies on the productivity of low-tech and medium/high-tech indigenous local units. The more in-depth measures of agglomeration economies used in Chapter 7 are also used in Chapter 8. A series of IV GMM regressions are estimated in order to identify the impact of agglomeration economies and spurious agglomeration on the productivity of foreign-owned local units operating in Ireland. There is some evidence found to suggest that the availability of a pool of skilled labour has a positive and significant on productivity of foreign-owned local units. There is also evidence to suggest that localization knowledge spillovers have a negative impact on the productivity of foreign-owned local units. There is strong evidence to suggest that the availability of local inputs has a negative impact on the productivity. The negative impact is not confined to the NACE 4-digit sector but also extends into related sectors as determined by Porter’s (2003) cluster classification. The cluster based skills measure of related variety has a positive and significant impact on the productivity of foreign-owned local units. Similar to Chapter 7, there is clear evidence to suggest that urbanization economies are important for increasing the productivity of foreign-owned local units. Both the summary measure and each of the more in-depth measures of agglomeration economies have a positive and significant impact on productivity. Spurious agglomeration has a positive and significant impact on the productivity of foreign-owned local units. The results indicate that the more foreign-owned local units of the same nationality in the country the greater the levels of productivity for the local unit. From a policy perspective, urbanization economies are clearly important for increasing the productivity of both indigenous and foreign-owned local units. Furthermore, the availability of a pool of skilled labour appears to be important for increasing the productivity of foreign-owned local units. Another policy implication that arises from these results relates to the differences observed between indigenous local units and foreign-owned local units and also between low-tech and medium/high-tech indigenous local units. These findings indicate that ‘one-size-fits-all’ type policies are not appropriate for increasing the productivity of local units operating in Ireland. Policies should be tailored to the needs of either indigenous or foreign-owned local units and also to specific sectors. This positive finding for own country spurious agglomeration is important from a policy perspective and is one that IDA Ireland should take on board.