50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

DEODORO DA FONSECA A PROPAGANDA POLÍTICA DO PRIMEIRO PRESIDENTE DO BRASIL

Estudo sobre a história política do primeiro presidente do Brasil, Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca, na ótica da propaganda política. Os objetivos foram resgatar os materiais de propaganda utilizados pelo movimento republicano que culminou com a Proclamação da República chefiada por Deodoro em 15 de novembro de 1889. Posteriormente, compreender o processo eleitoral ao qual o generalíssimo foi escolhido presidente pelos congressistas, por meio do voto indireto, no dia 25 de fevereiro de 1891. A metodologia adotada foi a Pesquisa Histórica enfatizando o estudo bibliográfico e documental. Também foram descritas as charges publicadas na Revista Illustrada no Governo Provisório, a cobertura do jornal O País na eleição presidencial e o cenário de censura na imprensa da época. Na conclusão consta que Deodoro não fez campanha eleitoral. Nem precisou, pois caso não fosse eleito, o Exército o proclamaria ditador. No entanto, os deodoristas convenceram os deputados e senadores a votarem no marechal. Já, a oposição fez campanha política lançando edição extra de jornal, espalhando cartazes pela Capital Federal e aprovando moções de repúdio à candidatura da situação. Essa eleição foi simplesmente uma formalidade para manter Deodoro no cargo mais importante do país. (AU)

DEODORO DA FONSECA A PROPAGANDA POLÍTICA DO PRIMEIRO PRESIDENTE DO BRASIL

Estudo sobre a história política do primeiro presidente do Brasil, Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca, na ótica da propaganda política. Os objetivos foram resgatar os materiais de propaganda utilizados pelo movimento republicano que culminou com a Proclamação da República chefiada por Deodoro em 15 de novembro de 1889. Posteriormente, compreender o processo eleitoral ao qual o generalíssimo foi escolhido presidente pelos congressistas, por meio do voto indireto, no dia 25 de fevereiro de 1891. A metodologia adotada foi a Pesquisa Histórica enfatizando o estudo bibliográfico e documental. Também foram descritas as charges publicadas na Revista Illustrada no Governo Provisório, a cobertura do jornal O País na eleição presidencial e o cenário de censura na imprensa da época. Na conclusão consta que Deodoro não fez campanha eleitoral. Nem precisou, pois caso não fosse eleito, o Exército o proclamaria ditador. No entanto, os deodoristas convenceram os deputados e senadores a votarem no marechal. Já, a oposição fez campanha política lançando edição extra de jornal, espalhando cartazes pela Capital Federal e aprovando moções de repúdio à candidatura da situação. Essa eleição foi simplesmente uma formalidade para manter Deodoro no cargo mais importante do país. (AU)

OS JINGLES ELEITORAIS NAS CAMPANHAS PRESIDENCIAIS BRASILEIRAS

O objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar os principais jingles utilizados nas campanhas eleitorais presidenciais com voto direto no Brasil, sob a ótica da propaganda e do marketing político-eleitoral e dentro do contexto social de cada época, procurando descobrir o que eles apresentam em comum. A ideia é descrever as letras das músicas eleitorais e como estas foram usadas como peças publicitárias nas campanhas eleitorais. Para tanto, será efetuado um levantamento e análise em peças de áudio na história fonográfica, na história do rádio e da TV, em busca dessas músicas (jingles), contextualizando e relatando as estratégias utilizadas com essas peças. Uma pesquisa bibliográfica será efetuada com o intuito de conhecer o contexto social e político de cada época, para comparar a letra e o ritmo utilizado em cada jingle.(AU)

OS JINGLES ELEITORAIS NAS CAMPANHAS PRESIDENCIAIS BRASILEIRAS

O objetivo deste trabalho é resgatar os principais jingles utilizados nas campanhas eleitorais presidenciais com voto direto no Brasil, sob a ótica da propaganda e do marketing político-eleitoral e dentro do contexto social de cada época, procurando descobrir o que eles apresentam em comum. A ideia é descrever as letras das músicas eleitorais e como estas foram usadas como peças publicitárias nas campanhas eleitorais. Para tanto, será efetuado um levantamento e análise em peças de áudio na história fonográfica, na história do rádio e da TV, em busca dessas músicas (jingles), contextualizando e relatando as estratégias utilizadas com essas peças. Uma pesquisa bibliográfica será efetuada com o intuito de conhecer o contexto social e político de cada época, para comparar a letra e o ritmo utilizado em cada jingle.(AU)

O MOVIMENTO DIRETAS JÁ PELA ÓTICA DE JANIO DE FREITAS NA FOLHA DE S.PAULO

O presente trabalho verificou como o jornalismo pode ser parceiro e fonte para a história por meio da reprodução e análise dos fatos político-econômicos brasileiros nas páginas dos jornais impressos diários. Nessa perspectiva, as colunas escritas nos últimos 25 anos (1983-2009) por Janio de Freitas, no jornal Folha de S.Paulo, significam interpretação e análise dessa história. Trata-se, portanto, de uma pesquisa qualitativa e está ancorada nos Estudos Culturais. O corpus desta pesquisa é composto de um recorte de 47 comentários sobre as Diretas Já , de janeiro até abril de 1984, período em que ocorreram as principais mobilizações da sociedade civil pela eleição direta para a Presidência da República e culminou com a votação e a rejeição da emenda Dante de Oliveira pelo Congresso Nacional. No desenvolvimento do trabalho foram utilizadas as ferramentas da Análise de Conteúdo a partir das categorias analíticas criadas Personagens, Votação da Emenda Dante de Oliveira e Movimento Diretas Já nas ruas , para descrever o conteúdo textual das colunas. Para que se pudesse efetuar uma análise aprofundada do corpus da pesquisa foi utilizado o referencial teórico da ACD Análise Crítica do Discurso em nove das 47 colunas selecionadas. O critério de escolha para essas colunas foi a identificação daquelas que no título já traziam uma referência explícita à Campanha pelas Diretas Já , Às mobilizações nas ruas , A votação da emenda Dante de Oliveira , Ao processo de sucessão presidencial ou as que tinham o seu conteúdo integral sobre um dos temas. Este estudo constata a hipótese de que o jornalista é um historiador do cotidiano e que é possível fazer uma leitura da história da Campanha das Diretas Já por meio das colunas de Janio de Freitas. Ao tecer em suas colunas o cenário da época, desnuda para a história e para os historiadores o xadrez político personagens, acordos políticos, votação da emenda e a campanha nas ruas que envolveu o processo. Dessa forma, a partir de suas lentes, oferece elementos para a construção da memória coletiva sobre esse período da história brasileira.(AU)

O MOVIMENTO DIRETAS JÁ PELA ÓTICA DE JANIO DE FREITAS NA FOLHA DE S.PAULO

O presente trabalho verificou como o jornalismo pode ser parceiro e fonte para a história por meio da reprodução e análise dos fatos político-econômicos brasileiros nas páginas dos jornais impressos diários. Nessa perspectiva, as colunas escritas nos últimos 25 anos (1983-2009) por Janio de Freitas, no jornal Folha de S.Paulo, significam interpretação e análise dessa história. Trata-se, portanto, de uma pesquisa qualitativa e está ancorada nos Estudos Culturais. O corpus desta pesquisa é composto de um recorte de 47 comentários sobre as Diretas Já , de janeiro até abril de 1984, período em que ocorreram as principais mobilizações da sociedade civil pela eleição direta para a Presidência da República e culminou com a votação e a rejeição da emenda Dante de Oliveira pelo Congresso Nacional. No desenvolvimento do trabalho foram utilizadas as ferramentas da Análise de Conteúdo a partir das categorias analíticas criadas Personagens, Votação da Emenda Dante de Oliveira e Movimento Diretas Já nas ruas , para descrever o conteúdo textual das colunas. Para que se pudesse efetuar uma análise aprofundada do corpus da pesquisa foi utilizado o referencial teórico da ACD Análise Crítica do Discurso em nove das 47 colunas selecionadas. O critério de escolha para essas colunas foi a identificação daquelas que no título já traziam uma referência explícita à Campanha pelas Diretas Já , Às mobilizações nas ruas , A votação da emenda Dante de Oliveira , Ao processo de sucessão presidencial ou as que tinham o seu conteúdo integral sobre um dos temas. Este estudo constata a hipótese de que o jornalista é um historiador do cotidiano e que é possível fazer uma leitura da história da Campanha das Diretas Já por meio das colunas de Janio de Freitas. Ao tecer em suas colunas o cenário da época, desnuda para a história e para os historiadores o xadrez político personagens, acordos políticos, votação da emenda e a campanha nas ruas que envolveu o processo. Dessa forma, a partir de suas lentes, oferece elementos para a construção da memória coletiva sobre esse período da história brasileira.(AU)

Elections, information aggregation, and strategic voting

A central role of elections is the aggregation of information dispersed within a population. This article surveys recent work on elections as mechanisms for aggregating information and on the incentives for voters to vote strategically in such elections.

Microsatellite instability in childhood rhabdomyosarcoma is locus specific and correlates with fractional allelic loss.

Replication errors (RERs) were initially identified in hereditary nonpolyposis colon cancer and other tumors of Lynch syndrome II. Mutations in genes involved in mismatch repair give rise to a mutator phenotype, resulting in RERs. The mutator phenotype is thought to predispose to malignant transformation. Here we show that in the embryonal form of childhood rhabdomyosarcoma, RERs also occur, but in contrast to hereditary nonpolyposis colon cancer, only a subset of the microsatellite loci analyzed show RERs. The occurrence of RERs is strongly correlated with increased fractional allelic loss (P < 0.001), suggesting that the occurrence of RERs is a secondary phenomenon in rhabdomyosarcoma. Coincidental loss of genes involved in mismatch repair, possibly due to their proximity to tumor suppressor genes involved in tumor progression of embryonal form of childhood rhabdomyosarcoma, could explain the observed phenomenon.

As entidades fechadas de previdência complementar enquanto instrumentos de atuação do Estado na economia

Com as transformações ocorridas nas últimas décadas do século XX, notadamente a expansão financeira pela qual passou o capitalismo, o enfraquecimento fiscal dos Estados nacionais e o questionamento aos sistemas de previdência pública por repartição, ganham importância em todo o mundo os fundos de pensão. Estes fundos, ao lado de outros investidores institucionais, como seguradoras e fundos de investimentos, passam a cumprir papel central no mercado acionário e também no mercado de títulos públicos e privados. Com o objetivo de realizar lucros para pagar benefícios de aposentadoria para os seus participantes, os fundos de pensão arrecadam e concentram poupança privada pulverizada, transformando-a em um ativo poderoso. No Brasil, as Entidades Fechadas de Previdência Complementar nomenclatura jurídica dos fundos de pensão possuem um total de 702 bilhões de reais em ativos, que se concentram nas três maiores entidades do país: Previ, Petros e Funcef. Em comum, estes três fundos têm o fato de serem patrocinados por empresas estatais, o que, pela legislação vigente, dá ao Poder Executivo a competência de indicar metade de seus dirigentes, incluindo o seu presidente que possui voto de desempate. O presente trabalho pesquisou o papel que estas três EFPCs cumprem enquanto instrumento de atuação do Estado no domínio econômico, especialmente para o provimento de fundos para o desenvolvimento. Para isso, primeiramente, o estudo explora o movimento de expansão financeira do capitalismo e a crise no padrão de desenvolvimento brasileiro. Depois, investiga de maneira sistemática o arcabouço jurídico que regula os fundos de pensão; e, por fim, analisa a alocação dos seus investimentos e o perfil dos seus dirigentes.

Les débats parlementaires autour du suffrage universel dans la construction de la représentation politique en Espagne et en Argentine: vers une analyse comparée (1860-1870)

This article aims to undertake a preliminary comparative review of the concepts of political representation developed by the Spanish and Argentinean liberalism during the construction of the parliamentary and constitutional regimes in the nineteenth century. The idea of the representative government, as a regulatory mechanism of political participation, is considered in terms of an analysis of the right to vote, of the processes to develop citizenship, and of political modernization. Legislation on the right to vote, born as the political right par excellence during the nineteenth century, gives an excellent guide to these political processes of major scope and depth that characterize the contemporary world. The comparison between the Spanish and Argentinean cases shows that exchanges, transfers of legislative models and cultural movements took place in the birth of the concept of political representation in both countries. This enables us to identify the differences of in each case.

«Obreros, no votéis». La CNT y el Frente Popular en las elecciones de 1936

Este artículo pretende aclarar la postura de la CNT y la FAI ante las elecciones generales de 1936. Se analiza cómo tradujeron los propagandistas de ambas organizaciones las ponencias electorales aprobadas en sus Plenos durante la campaña electoral. La comparación con la propaganda anarcosindicalista de noviembre de 1933 y el análisis de las concepciones dispares que la CNT y las izquierdas coaligadas en el Frente Popular mantenían sobre la amnistía y el peligro fascista, cuestionan que en 1936 se produjera una convergencia de intereses entre ambas y, por tanto, un relajamiento en las posiciones apolíticas y antielectorales de aquélla.

Il valore del voto: Italia e Spagna nel dibattito sulla rappresentanza politica liberale (1860-1870)

During the 1860's and 1870's, Spain and Italy experienced a convergence of debates on the significance of political representation in the framework of Liberal State. Spain suffered a political and social crisis, ending with the Revolution of 1868 and the adoption of male universal suffrage in 1878. Its coeval Italy began to build its new Kingdom, anxious about state building, as well as the relevance of electoral processes in the Constitutional scheme. Although members of parliament and essayists of both countries well knew their neighbour's political reality, a dialogue on representation didn't occur. Nonetheless, we believe it is useful to analyse the survey drawn by the Italian publicist in the light of current knowledge of the opinions that prevailed in Spain. What sense did they give to the general election? How did they understand the value of the vote? Who were considered eligible voters? These questions comprise the main subjects of the essay.

Multimodal analysis of a sample of political posters in Ireland during and after the Celtic Tiger

The aim of this research paper is to analyse the key political posters made for the campaigns of Irish political party Fianna Fáil framed in the Celtic Tiger (1997-2008) and post-Celtic Tiger years (2009-2012). I will then focus on the four posters of the candidate in the elections that took place in 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2011 with the intention of observing first how the leader is represented, and later on pinpointing the similarities and possible differences between each. This is important in order to observe the main linguistic and visual strategies used to persuade the audience to vote that party and to highlight the power of the politician. Critical discourse analysis tools will be helpful to identify the main discursive strategies employed to persuade the Irish population to vote in a certain direction. Van Leeuwen’s (2008) social actor theory will facilitate the understanding of how participants are represented in the corpus under analysis. Finally, the main tools of Kress and van Leeuwen’s visual grammar (2006) will be applied for the analysis of the images. The study reveals that politicians are represented in a consistently positive way, with status and formal appearance so that people are persuaded to vote for the party they represent because they trust them as political leaders. The study, thus, points out that the poster is a powerful tool used in election campaigns to highlight the power of political parties.

Payment order to the Harvard College Treasurer, 1715 September

This slip of paper contains a request from Harvard College President John Leverett to the College Treasurer John White to pay John Rogers for his work as library keeper, pursuant to a Harvard Corporation vote on September 27, 1714.