853 resultados para Violence against women.


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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-07

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Aim and Objective In this qualitative study we explored womens pregnancy intentions and experiences of intimate partner violence before, during and after pregnancy. Background Unintended pregnancies in the context of intimate partner violence can have serious health, social and economic consequences for women and their children. Design Feminist and phenomenological philosophies underpinned the study to gain a richer understanding of womens experiences. Methods Eleven women who had been pregnant in the previous two years were recruited from community-based womens refuges in one region of the United Kingdom. Of the eleven women, eight had unplanned pregnancies, two reported being coerced into early motherhood, and only one woman had purposively planned her pregnancy. Multiple in-depth interviews focused on participants’ accounts of living with intimate partner violence. Experiential data analysis was used to identify, analyse and highlight themes. Results Three major themes were identified: men’s control of contraception, partner’s indiscriminate response to the pregnancy, and womens mixed feelings about the pregnancy. Participants reported limited influence over their sexual relationship and Accepted Article This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved. birth control. Feelings of vulnerability about themselves and fear for their unborn babies’ safety were intensified by their partners’ continued violence during pregnancy. Conclusion Women experiencing intimate partner violence were more likely to have an unintended pregnancy. This could be attributed to male dominance and fear, which impacts on a woman’s ability to manage her birth control options. The womens initial excitement about their pregnancy diminished in the face of uncertainty and ongoing violence within their relationship. Relevance to clinical practice Women experiencing violence lack choice in relation to birth control options leading to unintended pregnancies. Interpreting the findings from the victim-perpetrator interactive spin theory of intimate partner violence provides a possible framework for midwives and nurses to better understand and respond to womens experiences of violence during pregnancy.

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When Kate and Laura Mulleavy of Rodarte worked with MAC to create their Autumn/Winter 2010 makeup collection and based their ideas on the murdered women of Ciudad Juarez, there was a public and industry outcry which led to the withdrawal of cosmetics with names such as ‘Factory’ ‘Juarez’ and ‘Ghost Town’. Rodarte tapped into the borderland mythologies of Juarez and crated an illusory fantasy world which sought to simultaneously obliterate and venerate the dead women. One eyeshadow, ‘Bordertown’, appears to look like chunks of rotting flesh streaked with blood. The models for their catwalk show had hollow blackened eyes, green-white pallor and lips that had been bloodlessly ‘lip-erased’ with a product specifically designed for the purpose. In Spanish, maquillar is to make up, to assemble. The women in the factories are asked to repeat simple mechanical operations thousands of times a day to make up the products which will be sold by global corporations. At the same time their images are being assembled, made up and aestheticized to create a cosmetic erasure of the crimes which they are subject to. When two American women and a global company make profit from this dangerous cosmetic erasure in order to sell products, the borders between bodies, countries, art and crime become leaky through the act and the illusion of symbiosis between the women of Ciudad Juarez and the products they inspired is threatened by the haunting of exploitation. Since then, the situation has become more complex. Chris Brown got a neck tattoo, based, he says, on the promotional material produced by MAC for the Rodarte sisters campaign. The image, which is of a skull, bears a striking resemblance to the police photographs of his ex, and now current, girlfriend, superstar Rihanna. The controversy over gendered violence, race and exploitation, begun by Rodarte and MAC, came back, haunting, once again. This paper seeks to address these connections, and ask what happens when domestic violence collides with globalism, fashion and murder.

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Recent evidence suggests that support for gender equality appears to be declining amid concern that women who play a full role in the work force do so at the expense of family life. Although this has been exacerbated by the economic downturn there were pre-recessionary signs of concerns that the welfare of children was being compromised when women find themselves with the double burden of employment and family care. These work-life balance issues are examined from the point of view of looking at how this characterised for women as a problem of authentic self-realisation in terms of working towards and achieving an optimum balance. This kind of dichotomisation allows for different aspects of the self to be pitted against each other: the professional career-orientated aspect and the personal relationship aspect. The paper argues that work-life balance discourse is counter-productive in that it reinforces the inequalities for women that it seeks to redress.

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Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a complex issue. The present study explored how media exposure to female and male victims of IPV affected participants’ support for both groups. It was hypothesized that female victims would be supported more than male victims and that presenting stimuli that drew attention to male victims would not decrease support for female victims. Participants were presented with one of three posters, drawing attention to male victims, female victims, or both. A questionnaire was then used to assess perceptions of support for IPV victims, which was completed by 121 participants. Results indicated that females were supported more than males and that drawing attention to male victims did not decrease participants’ support for female victims. An exploratory analysis also revealed that women, overall, have high support for all victims, while men’s level of support changed depending on the type of information to which they were exposed.

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Muitos são os estudos e ativismos que chamam a atenção para a necessidade de ampliar as investigações e visibilidades de lésbicas na academia brasileira. Com vista a ampliar o conhecimento sobre essa população, propomos com a dissertação “O que sei, o que eu acho e o que me disseram: diálogos com jovens sobre lesbianidade”, desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-graduação em História da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande/RS, interrogar, problematizar e compreender as representações sobre a(s) lesbianidade(s) produzidas por cinco jovens de uma escola agrícola da região sul do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. A pesquisa, orientada pelos Estudos Culturais Lesbofeministas, produziu seus dados a partir da Etnografia pós-crítica, subsidiada pelas abordagens metodológicas proporcionadas pelas “rodas de conversas” e anotações no “diário de campo”. Partindo das análises dos dados, podemos apontar que as estudantes possuem visões e entendimentos conceituais a respeito da(s) lesbianidade(s) e que esses já possuem um posicionamento crítico frente à forma como a mulher é retratada na sociedade. Entretanto, podemos verificar que a temática “lesbianidade(s)” – não diferente da forma como as demais mulheres são retratadas na escola, que é atravessada pela invisibilidade histórico-escolar – ancora-se em representações mediadas pela violência, limitadas às relações afetivo-sexuais e/ou dimensões domésticas e íntimas da sexualidade.

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The ‘heroic life’ or the life of the revolutionary is one that resists or even seeks to transcend the everyday and the ordinary. The ‘banal’ vulnerabilities of everyday life, however, continue to constitute the unseen, often unspoken background of such a heroic life. This article turns to womens memories of everyday life spent ‘underground’ in the context of the late 1960s radical left Naxalbari movement of Bengal. Drawing upon recent published memoirs and my own field interviews with middle class female (and male) activists, I outline the ways in which revolutionary femininity was imagined and lived in the everyday life of this political movement. I focus, in particular, on the gendered and classed nature of political labour, the gendering of revolutionary space, and finally, the extent to which everyday life in the ‘underground’ was a site of vulnerability and powerlessness, especially for women. I also signal how these memories of interpersonal conflict and everyday violence tend to remain buried under a collective mythicisation of the ‘heroic life’.

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Toxic metals are part of the most important groups of environmental pollutants that can bind to vital cellular components and interfere with their functions via inhalation, foods, water etc. The serum levels of toxic metals (lead, mercury, cadmium and arsenic) in pregnant women with history of pregnancy complications, pregnant women without history of pregnancy complication and non-pregnant women in Benin City, South – South Nigeria was investigated in this paper, with total of 135 healthy women comprising of 45 pregnant women with history of previous pregnancy complications, 45 pregnant women without history of pregnancy complications and 45 non-pregnant women without history of pregnancy complications (controls). Some demographic characteristics and 4ml of blood samples were obtained from each subject for the analysis of lead, mercury, cadmium and arsenic by standard methods. Pregnant women with history of pregnancy complications recorded a highly significant increase in the toxic metal (lead) mean value of 25.81μg/dl as against 23.70μg/dl for pregnant women without history of pregnancy complications and 11.23μg/dl for non-pregnant (control) women without history of pregnancy complications as well as significant increases in the mean values of other toxic metals (mercury, cadmium and arsenic) compared with controls (p<0.001). The selected toxic metals (Pb, Hg, Cd and As) may be involved in the development of pregnancy complications among pregnant women in Benin City, South– South Nigeria. Lead in particular may pose threat to mothers and fetuses as its mean values in the two groups of pregnant women were well above normal.

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O presente artigo contém uma errata, disponível em: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15294145.2015.1108503

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This dissertation is an analysis of social activism within womens professional tennis. In the 46 years since the women known as the Original 9 began protesting against the pay inequality between men’s and womens tennis, subsequent cohorts of women have brought different issues and concerns to womens tennis, expanding its scope and efforts.  Using qualitative research, including interviews with former players and press conference participation at tournaments to access current players, this study shows the lineage of social activism within womens tennis and the issues, expressions, risks and effects of each cohort. Intersectionality theoretically frames this study, and analyses of performativity appears regularly. Each generational cohort is a chapter of this study. The Original 9 of the Movement Cohort fought for equal prize money. The Bridge Cohort, the era of Evert and Navratilova, continued the Movement Cohort’s push for equal prize money; however, they also ushered in identity politics (including gender, sexuality, and nationality, but with the notable exception of race). The Professional Cohort, the current era, followed the Bridge Cohort and is characterized by its focus on corporatization and mass-marketing. As such, there is a focus among the players on individualism which can seem like a lack of social activism is occurring. However, race, neglected during the Bridge Cohort, emerged during the Professional Cohort. The individualism of this cohort made space for Blackness to show unapologetically, though, within certain constraints. Finally, a few players are working on social justice issues in society at large, as well as trying to institute change within womens tennis. These players make up the Post-Professional Cohort (or, as Pam Shriver from the Bridge Cohort calls them, “Bridge Throwbacks”).  This study shows the evolution of social activism within womens tennis, as it reflects larger social change. Though bound together as one unified body, the social activism engaged in by each generation focused on different issues, making each generational cohort distinct from the whole of womens professional tennis.

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The call to access and preserve the state records that document crimes committed by the state during Guatemala’s civil war has become an archival imperative entangled with neoliberal human rights discourses of “truth, justice, and memory.” 200,000 people were killed and disappeared in Guatemala’s civil war including acts of genocide in which 85% of massacres involved sexual violence committed against Mayan women. This dissertation argues that in an attempt to tell the official story of the civil war, American Human Rights organizations and academic institutions have constructed a normative identity whose humanity is attached to a scientific and evidentiary value as well as an archival status representing the materiality and institutionality of the record. Consequently, Human Rights discourses grounded in Western knowledges, in particular archival science and law, which prioritize the appearance of truth erase the material and epistemological experience of indigenous women during wartimes. As a result, the subjectivity that has surfaced on the record as most legible has mostly pertained to non-indigenous, middle class, urban, leftist men who were victims of enforced disappearance not genocide. This dissertation investigates this conflicting narrative that remembers a non-indigenous revolutionary masculine hero and grants him justice in human rights courtrooms simply because of a document attesting to his death. A main research question addressed in this project is why the promise of "truth and justice" under the name of human rights becomes a contentious site for gendered indigenous bodies? I conduct a discursive and rhetorical analysis of documentary film, declassified Guatemalan police and military records such as Operation Sofia, a military log known for “documenting the genocide” during rural counterinsurgencies executed by the military. I interrogate the ways in which racialized feminicides or the hyper-sexualized racial violence that has historically dehumanized indigenous women falls outside of discourses of vision constructed by Western positivist knowledges to reinscribe the ideal human right subject. I argue for alternative epistemological frames that recognize genocide as sexualized and gendered structures that have simultaneously produced racialized feminicides in order to disrupt the colonial structures of capitalism, patriarchy and heterosexuality. Ironically, these structures of power remain untouched by the dominant human rights discourse and its academic, NGO, and state collaborators that seek "truth and justice" in post-conflict Guatemala.

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The article analyses the 'ordinary' violence of revolutionary politics, particularly acts of gendered and sexual violence that tend to be neglected in the face of the 'extraordinariness' of political terror. Focusing on the extreme left Naxalbari movement of West Bengal, it points to those morally ambiguous 'grey zones' that confound the rigid distinctions between victim and victimizer in insurrectionary politics. Public and private recollections of sexual and gender-based injuries by women activists point to the complex intermeshing of different forms of violence (everyday, political, structural, symbolic) across 'safe' and 'unsafe' spaces, 'public' and 'private' worlds, and communities of trust and those of betrayal. In making sense of these memories and their largely secret or 'untellable' nature, the article places sexual violence on a continuum of multiple and interrelated forces that are both overt and symbolic, and include a society's ways of mourning some forms of violence and silencing others. The idea of a continuum explores the 'greyness' of violence as the very object of anthropological inquiry.

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In the face of mounting militarism in south Asia, this essay turns to anti-state, ‘liberatory’ movements in the region that employ violence to achieve their political aims. It explores some of the ethical quandaries that arise from the embrace of such violence, particularly for feminists for whom political violence and militarism is today a moot point. Feminist responses towards resistant political violence have, however, been less straightforward than towards the violence of the state, suggesting a more ambivalent ethical position towards the former than the latter. The nature of this ambivalence can be located in a postcolonial feminist ethics that is conceptually committed to the use of political violence in certain, albeit exceptional circumstances on the basis of the ethical ends that this violence (as opposed to other oppressive violence) serves. In opening up this ethical ambivalence – or the ethics of ambiguity, as Simone de Beauvoir says – to interrogation and reflection, I underscore the difficulties involved in ethically discriminating between forms of violence, especially when we consider the manner in which such distinctions rely on and reproduce gendered modes of power. This raises particular problems for current feminist appraisals of resistant political violence as an expression of women's empowerment and ‘agency’.

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Departamento de Enfermagem, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Enfermagem, 2015.

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Polymorphisms in chemokine receptors play an important role in the progression of cervical intraepithelial neoplasia (CIN) to cervical cancer (CC). Our study examined the association of CCR2-64I (rs1799864) and CCR5-Δ32 (rs333) polymorphisms with susceptibility to develop cervical lesion (CIN and CC) in a Brazilian population. The genotyping of 139 women with cervical lesions and 151 women without cervical lesions for the CCR2-64I and CCR5-Δ32 polymorphisms were performed using polymerase chain reaction-restriction fragment length polymorphism. The individuals carrying heterozygous or homozygous genotypes (GA+AA) for CCR2-64I polymorphisms seem to be at lower risk for cervical lesion [odds ratio (OR) = 0.37, p = 0.0008)]. The same was observed for the A allele (OR = 0.39, p = 0.0002), while no association was detected (p > 0.05) with CCR5-Δ32 polymorphism. Regarding the human papillomavirus (HPV) type, patients carrying the CCR2-64I polymorphism were protected against infection by HPV type 16 (OR = 0.35, p = 0.0184). In summary, our study showed a protective effect of CCR2-64I rs1799864 polymorphism against the development of cervical lesions (CIN and CC) and in the susceptibility of HPV 16 infection.