938 resultados para Researcher-Subject Relations


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Abstract Purpose – The aim of this paper is to explore researcher vulnerability and identify the ways in which research with vulnerable consumers can impact on consumer researchers. Design/methodology/approach – Provides a review of research literature aiming to raise awareness of researcher vulnerability. Findings – Researchers working in the domain of vulnerable consumers need to be aware that feelings of vulnerability may be reflected back to the researcher. Originality/value – Methodological concerns surrounding the research of vulnerable consumers tend to focus on the welfare of respondents; researcher vulnerability has been largely neglected within the consumer research literature. Historically, problems arising in the research process have tended to be disguised so as not to elicit negative feedback. This paper creates an awareness of such aspects of unthought-of ethical and methodological problems.

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ABSTRACT Methodological concerns surrounding the research of vulnerable consumers tend to focus on respondents’ welfare, that they are not harmed or further disadvantaged by the research process (Reinharz 1992; Finch 1984). Consequentially, researcher vulnerability has been largely neglected within the consumer research literature. This paper aims to identify the ways that research with vulnerable consumers can impact on consumer researchers. Reflecting on our doctoral research experiences with vulnerable consumers, namely low income families and consumers confined to the home due to disability, we identify areas where the physical and psychological vulnerability of the researcher was exposed and the resulting strategies employed.

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A dusty plasma crystalline configuration with equal charge dust grains and mass is considered. Both charge and mass of each dust species are taken to be constant. Two differential equations for a two-dimensional hexagonal crystal on the basis of a Yukawa-type potential energy and a

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We discuss the limitations and rights which may affect the researcher’s access to and use of digital, court and administrative tribunal based information. We suggest that there is a need for a European-wide investigation of the legal framework which affects the researcher who might wish to utilise this form of information. A European-wide context is required because much of the relevant law is European rather than national, but much of the constraints are cultural. It is our thesis that research improves understanding and then improves practice as that understanding becomes part of public debate. If it is difficult to undertake research, then public debate about the court system – its effectiveness, its biases, its strengths – becomes constrained. Access to court records is currently determined on a discretionary basis or on the basis of interpretation of rules of the court where these are challenged in legal proceedings. Anecdotal evidence would suggest that there are significant variations in the extent to which court documents such as pleadings, transcripts, affidavits etc are made generally accessible under court rules or as a result of litigation in different jurisdictions or, indeed, in different courts in the same jurisdiction. Such a lack of clarity can only encourage a chilling of what might otherwise be valuable research. Courts are not, of course, democratic bodies. However, they are part of a democratic system and should, we suggest – both for the public benefit and for their proper operation – be accessible and criticisable by the independent researcher. The extent to which the independent researcher is enabled access is the subject of this article. The rights of access for researchers and the public have been examined in other common law countries but not, to date, in the UK or Europe.

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Two semianalytical relations [Nature, 1996, 381, 137 and Phys. Rev. Lett. 2001, 87, 245901] predicting dynamical coefficients of simple liquids on the basis of structural properties have been tested by extensive molecular dynamics simulations for an idealized 2:1 model molten salt. In agreement with previous simulation studies, our results support the validity of the relation expressing the self-diffusion coefficient as a Function of the radial distribution functions for all thermodynamic conditions such that the system is in the ionic (ie., fully dissociated) liquid state. Deviations are apparent for high-density samples in the amorphous state and in the low-density, low-temperature range, when ions condense into AB(2) molecules. A similar relation predicting the ionic conductivity is only partially validated by our data. The simulation results, covering 210 distinct thermodynamic states, represent an extended database to tune and validate semianalytical theories of dynamical properties and provide a baseline for the interpretation of properties of more complex systems such as the room-temperature ionic liquids.

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Research in young people by young people is a growing trend and considered a democratic approach to exploring their lives. Qualitative research is also seen as a way of redistributing power; with participatory research positioned by many as a democratic paradigm of qualitative inquiry. Although participatory research may grant a view on another world, it is fraught with a range of relationships that require negotiation and which necessitate constant self-reflection. Drawing on experiential accounts of participatory research with young people, this paper will explore the power relationship from the perspective of the adult researcher, the young peer researcher and also that of the researched. It will explore the self-conscious exchange of power; and describe how it is relinquished and reclaimed with increasing degrees of compliance as confidence and security develops. Co-authored by a peer researcher and adult researchers, this paper will illustrate a range of practical examples of participatory research with young people, decode the power struggle and consider the implications. It will argue that although the initial stages of the research process are artificial, self-conscious and undemocratic it concludes that the end may justify the means with the creation of social agency knowledge, experience and reality.

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The precise rationale for, and timing of, the Northern Ireland peace process of the 1990s and beyond, which developed after more than two decades of conflict, has yet to be fully explained. It has been a common assumption that it arose from a stalemate involving the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the 'regular' pro-state forces of the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary and the 'irregular/ultra' pro-state loyalist paramilitary groups of the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Under this interpretation, military/paramilitary deadlock led to ripeness for peace, amid reappraisals by all parties to the conflict of the utility of violence accompanied by reinterpretations of earlier political orthodoxies. The IRA could not remove the British sovereign claim to Northern Ireland; British forces could not militarily defeat the IRA and loyalists and republicans were engaged in a futile inter-communal sectarian war. This stalemate thesis has obvious attraction in explaining why a seemingly intractable war finally subsided, but is less convincing when subject to empirical testing among republican and loyalist participants in the conflict. This article moves away from 'top-down' generalist narratives of the onset of peace, which tend to argue the stalemate thesis, to assess 'bottom-up' interpretations from the actual combatants as to why they ceased fighting. It suggests an asymmetry, rather than mutuality, of perception that there was 'military' cessation by the armed non-state groups, with neither republican nor loyalist interpretations grounded in notions of stalemate. The article concludes by urging a wider consideration of the important and persistent interplay of the military and political in conflicts such as Northern Ireland.

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Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures or community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., emotional security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's emotional security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.