893 resultados para Reasing of international agencies


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El WCTR es un congreso de reconocido prestigio internacional en el ámbito de la investigación del transporte y aunque las actas publicadas están en formato digital y sin ISSN ni ISBN, lo consideramos lo suficientemente importante como para que se considere en los indicadores. This paper aims at describing how multilateral cooperation policies are influencing national transport policies in developing countries. It considers the evolution of national transport policies and institutional frameworks in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia in the last 10 years, and analyses the influence that EU cooperation programmes (particularly those within the Euromed programme initiative) and international coordination activities have played in the evolution towards efficient, sustainable transport systems in those countries. Notwithstanding the significant socioeconomic, political and institutional differences among the three countries, three major traits are common to the transport policy framework in all cases: a focus on megaprojects; substitution of traditional ministerial services by ad hoc public agencies to develop those megaprojects, and progressive involvement of international private players for the operation (and eventually the design and construction) of new projects, focusing on know-how transfer rather than investment needs. The hypotheses is that these similarities are largely due to the influence of the international cooperation promoted by the European Union since the mid- 1990s. The new decision making situation is characterized by the involvement of two new relevant stakeholders, the EU and a limited number of global transport operators. The hierarchical governance model evolves towards more complex structures, which explain the three common traits mentioned above. International coordination has been crucial for developing national transport visions, which are coherent with a regional, transnational system.

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In recent years, international cooperation processes have become a key mechanism for companies to internationalise their innovative activities, par ticularly in the case of small businesses whose size reduces their possibilities of developing internationalisation strategies autonomously in the same way as larger companies. In Spain, the existence of two parallel programmes with similar structures oriented towards Europe (EUREKA) and Latin America (IBEROEKA) raises the question as to whether the fact that companies participate in only one (unipolar) or both (bipolar) of these programmes is the result of a selection process, which, in turn, results in the existence of different collectives with different efficiency parameters. The aim of this study is to provide a comparative analysis based on the final reports of Spanish companies that have participated in the EUREKA programme. Two groups of companies were compared: one comprising companies that have only had international experience in Europe (EUREKA); and another formed by companies that have also carried out IBEROEKA projects. The conclusions confirm that the behaviour of both groups of companies differs substantially and reveal the importance of geographical perspective in the analysis of international cooperation in technology. This disparate behaviour is a relevant aspect that must be taken into account when designing policies to promote international technological cooperation.

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Despite the benefits for exc hanging experiences among planners at the global scale, the strong context dependency of urban planning creates in many instances significant difficulties to extrapolate experiences from one geographical context to the other. If progress is to be achieved in international cooperation programmes, differences and commonalities should be assessed before la unching any academic initiative. In that respect, this p aper makes a brief foresight exercise on how future trends and challenges, which may affect the urban pl anning field, should be taken into consideration according to two different contexts: Spain and Latin America. A segmentation matrix is used to expose a nd discuss the different effects of future trends on both contexts. Some tentative conclusions are drawn for the development of international educational programmes

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Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.

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In the wake of the disclosures surrounding PRISM and other US surveillance programmes, this paper assesses the large-scale surveillance practices by a selection of EU member states: the UK, Sweden, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Given the large-scale nature of these practices, which represent a reconfiguration of traditional intelligence gathering, the paper contends that an analysis of European surveillance programmes cannot be reduced to a question of the balance between data protection versus national security, but has to be framed in terms of collective freedoms and democracy. It finds that four of the five EU member states selected for in-depth examination are engaging in some form of large-scale interception and surveillance of communication data, and identifies parallels and discrepancies between these programmes and the NSA-run operations. The paper argues that these programmes do not stand outside the realm of EU intervention but can be analysed from an EU law perspective via i) an understanding of national security in a democratic rule of law framework where fundamental human rights and judicial oversight constitute key norms; ii) the risks posed to the internal security of the Union as a whole as well as the privacy of EU citizens as data owners and iii) the potential spillover into the activities and responsibilities of EU agencies. The paper then presents a set of policy recommendations to the European Parliament.

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With a growing number of threats to governance in the international system that result from globalization and technological innovation, it is no surprise that states have come to rely more heavily on each other and the global community for support. While the EU is partially constrained by the ultimate outcome of its own integration process, limited knowledge on this issue, and the national interests of its Member States, other governments are also experiencing difficulty in domestic implementation of international resolutions. To better understand the impact of the most recent sanctioning efforts, this paper will explore the development of the non-proliferation regime, examine implementation mechanisms of non-proliferation agreements, and analyze the impact of increased cooperation among states to thwart the spread of WMD technology and material. Case studies of unilateral measures undertaken by the US and EU against Iran will provide insight into the political and economic implications of economic sanctions from individual governments. New and emerging methods for limiting rogue states and non-state actors from acquiring the means to develop WMD will also be discussed in an effort to further discussion for future policy debates on this critical topic.

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Multinational companies' (MNCs) corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs frequently comprise a portfolio of disconnected country-level programs or, alternatively, consist of blanket corporate policies that apply in the same way across the geographies where the company operates. Yet, the international nonmarket environment in which CSR programs operate is neither a completely fragmented nor a perfectly homogeneous one. Building on the concept of stakeholder-issue-networks, we develop a model that explicitly takes into consideration the role of geography in the characterization of a firm's nonmarket environment. This allows us to develop a taxonomy of nonmarket environments on the basis of their geographic spread and their degree of cross-border connectedness. We then explore the strategic and organizational implications that different ideal types of (cross-border) nonmarket environments have for the development of international CSR policies.

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Typewritten t.-p.

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Half-title: Bureau of international research, Harvard university and Radcliffe college.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.