Beyond the Transatlantic Divide: The Multiple Authorities of Standards in the Global Political Economy of Services

This paper explores the plurality of institutional environments in which standards for the service sector are expected to support the rise of a global knowledge-based economy. Despite the careful wording of the World Trade Organization (WTO), a whole range of international bodies still have the capacity to define technical specifications affecting how services are expected to be traded on worldwide basis. The analysis relies on global political economy approaches to extend to the area of service standards the assumption that the process of globalization is not opposing states and markets, but a joint expression of both of them including new patterns and agents of structural change through formal and informal power and regulatory practices. It analyses on a cross-institutional basis patterns of authority in the institutional setting of service standards in the context of the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), the European Union, and the United States. In contrast to conventional views opposing the American system to the ISO/European framework, the paper questions the robustness of this opposition by showing that institutional developments of service standards are likely to face trade-offs and compromises across those systems and between two opposing models of standardisation.

Discorso e terrorismo: la rappresentazione degli arabi nella stampa italiana e internazionale dopo l'11 settembre 2001

In everyday debates on topics such as cultural differences, it seems relevant to analyze not only institutional conversations or speeches, but also mass-media communications. The way the media portray social events contributes to the construction of our categories of explanation of the world. The main purpose of this research is to analyze the representations of the Arabs before and after September 11, 2001 in the Italian and U.S. press. Results show that in Italy articles mainly focus on contrasting illegal immigration and on the consequent political and legislative decisions. Instead, U.S. press is focused on enhancing the sense of ingroup belonging, relying on the sense of threat of the Arabs to Western culture.

I Riflessi letterari dell’Unità d’Italia nella narrativa siciliana

El treball d'investigació té per objecte oferir un inventari raonat de novel•les i contes curts d’autors sicilians d’entre 1860 i 1898, de Giovanni Verga a la Simonetta Agnello Hornby, diferents en edat, cultura i condició social. Vol fer evident la persistència de la reflexió sobre el Risorgimento "traït", i ajudar a comprendre com hi havia un marc d’unitat política i institucional en el què no es donava cabuda a les diferències entre el Nord i el Sud d’Itàlia

Middle and Late Jurassic carbon stable-isotope stratigraphy and radiolarite sedimentation of the Umbria-Marche basin (Central Italy)

A continuous carbon isotope curve from Middle-Upper Jurassic pelagic carbonate rocks was acquired from two sections in the southern part of the Umbria-Marche Apennines in central Italy. At the Colle Bertone section (Terni) and the Terminilletto section (Rieti), the Upper Toarcian to Bajocian Calcari e Marne a Posidonia Formation and the Aalenian to Kimmeridgian Calcari e Marne a Posidonia and Calcari Diasprigni formations were sampled, respectively. Biostratigraphy in both sections is based on rich assemblages of calcareous nannofossils and radiolarians, as well as some ammonites found in the upper Toarcian-Bajocian interval. Both sections revealed a relative minimum of delta(13)C(PDB) close to + 2 parts per thousand in the Aalenian and a maximum around 3.5 parts per thousand in early Bajocian, associated with an increase in visible chert. In basinal sections in Umbria-Marche, this interval includes the very cherry base of the Calcari Diasprigni Formation (e.g. at Valdorbia) or the chert-rich uppermost portion of the Calcari a Posidonia (e.g at Bosso). In the Terminilletto section, the Bajocian-early Barthonian interval shows a gradual decrease in delta(13)C(PDB) values and a low around 2.3 parts per thousand. This part of the section is characterised by more than 40 m of almost chart-free limestones and correlates with a recurrence of limestone-rich facies in basinal sections at Valdorbia. A double peak with values of delta(13)C(PDB) around + 3 parts per thousand was observed in the Callovian and Oxfordian, constrained by well preserved radiolarian faunas. The maxima lie in the Callovian and the middle Oxfordian, and the minimum between the two peaks should be near the Callovian/Oxfordian boundary. In the Terminilletto section, visible chert increases together with delta(13)C(PDB) values from the middle Bathonian and reaches peak values in the Callovian-Oxfordian. In basinal sections in Umbria-Marche, a sharp increase in visible chert is observed at this level within the Calcari Diasprigni. A drop of delta(13)C values towards + 2 parts per thousand occurs in the Kimmeridgian and coincides with a decrease of visible chert in outcrop. The observed delta(13)C positive anomalies during the early Bajocian and the Callovian-Oxfordian may record changes in global climate towards warmer, more humid periods characterised by increased nutrient mobilisation and increased carbon burial. High biosiliceous (radiolarians, siliceous sponges) productivity and preservation appear to coincide with the delta(13)C positive anomalies, when the production of platform carbonates was subdued and ceased in many areas, with a drastic reduction of periplatform ooze input in many Tethyan basins. The carbon and silica cycles appear to be linked through global warming and increased continental weathering. Hydrothermal events related to extensive rifting and/or accelerated oceanic spreading may be the endogenic driving force that created a perturbation of the exogenic system (excess CO2 into the atmosphere and greenhouse conditions) reflected by the positive delta(13)C shifts and biosiliceous episodes.

Hybrids and Regulation in the Global Political Economy

While regulation theory literature has made important contributions to the much-debated domain of globalisation by focusing on various aspects of post-Fordism, it has not yet fully engaged with the implications that can be drawn from critical approaches in international political economy. Recent studies have explored the transnational bases of new patterns and agents of change beyond states, firms and institutions traditionally involved in regulatory practices. Hybrid is often used as a default attribute reflecting lack of clear understanding of the breadth of this new type of influence and the opacity of the means involved. Drawing on the insights of philology and mythology, the paper argues that the notion of hybrid is relevant in elucidating the ontological ambiguity between imaginary and real aspects of globalisation. Furthermore, it specifies the categories involved in the analysis of emerging forms of hybrid regulation. Recent scholarship on globalisation tends to focus on the private-public nexus of the subjects involved in new forms of institutional arrangements and authority. Here, subjects, objects and space are analysed as joint issues. By focusing particularly on transformations affecting the role of the state, forms of competition, and their rescaling on a transnational basis, the concept of global hybrid is seen as complementary to the emancipation of regulation approaches from early emphasis on national levels of compromises.

Anti-impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale dans la Suisse des années 68

Cette thèse entend apporter un éclairage sur l'histoire politique et sociale de la Suisse des années 68, en étudiant l'articulation entre les mouvements anti-impérialistes et la nouvelle gauche radicale, alors foisonnante. Il s'agit d'analyser cette période de contestation au prisme de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, lequel, dans le contexte de l'opposition à la guerre du Vietnam, a fortement imprégné le mouvement protestataire, en assignant notamment au tiers-monde le rôle de sujet de l'émancipation mondiale. Combinant une triple approche - chronologique, thématique et biographique - ce travail est structuré en quatre parties. La première partie esquisse un panorama des mouvements anti-impérialistes des années 1960 et 1970 en Suisse, avec une focalisation sur les «années anti-imp», entre 1968 et 1975. La deuxième interroge le rapport entre anti¬impérialisme et nouvelle gauche radicale, en proposant une typologie des principaux courants. La troisième partie s'attache à examiner le système de représentations du monde et de la Suisse véhiculé par le discours de l'extrême gauche. Prenant pour objet le militantisme, la dernière partie esquisse un portrait de groupe de la « génération anti-imp », fondé sur une enquête prosopographique et sur un corpus d'entretiens réalisés avec des militants de l'époque. L'étude révèle que l'anti-impérialisme a fourni à la contestation soixante-huitarde un cadre conceptuel et analytique, un facteur de structuration, ainsi qu'un vecteur de mobilisation. Il a en particulier permis à la gauche radicale suisse d'inscrire sa lutte anticapitaliste locale dans un horizon global d'émancipation. L'analyse de l'anti-impérialisme révolutionnaire, qui a connu son apogée dans les années 68 avant de connaître un déclin rapide et presque total, invite à appréhender cette « décennie mouvementée » comme la fin d'un long cycle politique. -- This thesis aims to shed light on the social and political history of Switzerland in the 1960s and 1970s by studying the relationship between anti-imperialist movements and the emerging new radical left. It analyses this time of rebellion through the prism of revolutionary anti-imperialism. In the context of opposition to the Vietnam War, anti-imperialism strongly influenced protest movements, notably by assigning to the Third World the role of main actor in the fight for global emancipation. Combining a threefold approach - chronological, thematic and biographical - this work is structured in four parts. The first part provides a panorama of the anti-imperialist movements of the long 1960s in Switzerland with a focus on the « anti-imp years » between 1968 and 1975. The second part questions the relationship between anti-imperialism and the new radical left and proposes a typology of its main currents. The third part examines how the radical left's discourse represented the world, and Switzerland in particular. The last part addresses the question of activism and outlines a group portrait of the « anti-imp generation » based on a prosopographical study and on a body of interviews with former activists. This study reveals that anti-imperialism, besides serving as an agent of mobilization, provided a conceptual and ideological framework, as well as a structuring factor, to the protest movements. In particular, it enabled the Swiss radical left to fit its local anti-capitalist struggle into a global horizon of emancipation. This analysis of revolutionary anti- imperialism, which had its heyday in the 1960s and 1970s before experiencing a rapid and almost total decline, thus invites us to see this « turbulent decade » as the end of a long political cycle.

La sostenibilidad del sistema sanitario desde una perspectiva de redes sociales: una propuesta para la promoción de hábitos saludables y apoyo social

The search of new health management formulas focused to give wide services is one of the priorities of our present health policies. Those formulas examine the optimization of the links between the main actors involved in public health, ie, users, professionals, local socio-political and corporate agents. This paper is aimed to introduce the Social Network Analysis as a method for analyzing, measuring and interpreting those connections. The knowledge of people's relationships (what is called social networks) in the field of public health is becoming increasingly important at an international level. In fact, countries such as UK, Netherlands, Italy, Australia and U.S. are looking formulas to apply this knowledge to their health departments. With this work we show the utility of the ARS on topics related to sustainability of the health system, particularly those related with health habits and social support, topics included in the 2020 health strategies that underline the importance of the collaborative aspects in networks.

Do Fiscal and Political Decentralization Raise Students’ Performance? A Cross-Country Analysis

The low quality of education is a persistent problem in many developed countries. Parallel to in the last decades exists a tendency towards decentralization in many developed and developing countries. Using micro data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) referred to 22 countries, we test whether there exists an impact of fiscal and political decentralization on student performance in the areas of mathematics, reading skills and science. We observe that fiscal decentralization exerts an unequivocal positive effect on students’ outcomes in all areas, while the effect of political decentralization is more ambiguous. On the one hand, the capacity of the subnational governments to rule on its region has a positive effect on students’ performance in mathematics. On the other hand, the capacity to influence the country as a whole has a negative impact on mathematics achievement. As a general result, we observe that students’ performance in Mathematics is more sensible to these exogenous variations than in Sciences and reading skills. Keywords: School outcomes, PISA, fiscal decentralization, political decentralization JEL codes: H11, H77, I21

Electoral competition through issue selection

Politics must tackle multiple issues at once. In a first-best world, political competition constrains parties to prioritize issues according to the voters' true concerns. In the real world, the opposite also happens: parties manipulate voter priorities by emphasizing issues selectively during the political campaign. This phenomenon, known as priming, should allow parties to pay less attention to the issues that they intend to mute. We develop a model of endogenous issue ownership in which two vote-seeking parties (i) invest to attract voters with "better" policy proposals and (ii) choose a communication campaign to focus voter attention on specific issues. We identify novel feedbacks between communication and investment. In particular, we find that stronger priming effects can backfire by constraining parties to invest more resources in all issues, including the ones they would otherwise intend to mute. We also identify under which conditions parties prefer to focus on their "historical issues" or to engage in issue stealing. Typically, the latter happens when priming effects are strong, and historical reputations differentiates parties less.