841 resultados para Policy Analysis
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ABSTRACT Canada is an aging society. The number of people aged sixty-five and over is rising, while the number of people under twenty is declining. These two concurrent changes in the age structure have produced a sh~ft in the demographic composition of Canada which is commonly referred to as the aging phenomenon. Regardless of whether or not the number of people under twenty continues to decline, the number of elderly in Canada will almost double over the next twenty years. This rapidly growing elderly clientele will doubtless have an impact on Canadian governments. Federal, provincial and municipal governments are presently providing a variety of programs that have a special bearing on the aged and most senior citizens are beneficiaries of one or more of these programs. The ramifications of a rapidly growing elderly clientele are obvious. In order to cope with the impact of a significant increase in the number of elderly persons, the development and implementation of aging policy must be co-ordinated at each level of government and between and among levels of government. If aging policy is not co-ordinated, the results are likely to be: inappropriate policy decisions; duplication and overlap; and, ineffective and irresponsive services. No one benefits from these results. The need for co-ordination is apparent. The purpose of this thesis is to examine existing governmental efforts to co-ordinate policy in the field of aging. These efforts are examined by focusing on interactions directed at co-ordination between and among major actors in aging policy. A framework is used to structure the description and analysis of these interactions. The variables of formalisation and intensity and the concept of power are instrumental in analysing interactions for co-ordination. The underlying intent of this thesis is to discover some of the main gaps in existing governmental efforts to co~ordinate aging policy. Gaps are, in fact, discovered. Several explanations for the existence of gaps in interactions for co-ordination are discussed. A major hypothesis involving a relationship between a bureaucratic form of organisation and interactions for coordination is suggested. Finally, three recommendations for improving co-ordination in aging policy are offered.
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This study critically analyzes the historical role and influence of multinational drug cotpOrations and multinational corporations in general; the u.s. government and the Canadian state in negotiating the global recognition ofIntellectual Property Rights (IPR) under GATT/NAFTA. This process began in 1969 when the Liberal government, in response to high prices for brand-name drugs amended the Patent Act to introduce compulsory licensing by reducing monopoly protection from 20 to seven years. Although the financial position ofthe multinational drug industry was not affected, it campaigned vigorously to change the 1969 legislation. In 1987, the Patent Act was amended to extend protection to 10 years as a condition for free trade talks with the u.s. Nonetheless, the drug industry was not satisfied and accused Canada of providing a bad example to other nations. Therefore, it continued to campaign for global recognition ofIPR laws under GATT. Following the conclusion of the GATTI Trade-Related aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS) in 1991, the multinational drug industry and the American government, to the surprise of many, were still not satisfied and sought to implement harsher conditions under NAFTA. The Progressive Conservative government readily agreed without any objections or consideration for the social consequences. As a result, Bill C-91 was introduced. It abandoned compulsory licenses and was made retroactive from December 21, 1991. It is the contention of this thesis that the economic survival of multinational corporations on a global scale depends on the role and functions of the modem state. Similarly, the existence of the state depends on the ideological-political and socioeconomic assistance it gives to multinational corporations on a national and international scale. This dialectical relation of the state and multinational corporations is explored in our theoretical and historical analysis of their role in public policy.
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The following thesis presents an analysis of business-government relations within a neo-Marxist framework. Specifically, the discussion encompasses how the business interest group. the Business Council on National Issues, maintains consensus and unity amongst its monopoly capital members. Furthermore. the study elaborates on the process through which the group's interests are acknowledged and legitimized by the state under the "public interest" f8fue. Most of the literature pertaining to business-government relations within the context of interactions between business interest groups and the state, and such specific branches of the state as the government and/or the civil service. emphasize a liberal-pluralist perspective. Essentially, these writings serve to reflect and legitimate the current slatus quo. Marxist discourses on the subject, while attempting to transcend the liberal-pluralist framework. nevertheless suffer from either economic determinism .. ie., stressing the state's accumulation function but not its legitimation function or historical specificity. A cogent and comprehensive neo-Marxist analysis of business-government relations must discuss both the accumulation and legitimation functions of the state. The process by which the concerns of a particular business interest group become part of the state's policy agenda and subsequently are formulated and implemented into policies which legitimate its dominance is also studied. This inquiry is significant given the liberal-pluralist assumptions of a neutral state and that all interest groups compete "on a level playing field". The author's neo-Marxist paradigm rejects both of these assumptions. Building on concepts from nea-Marxist instrumentalism. structuralism. state monopoly capitalism, and forms and functions of the state perspectives. the author proposes that policies which legitimize the interests of the monopoly capital fraction cannot. be discerned only from the state's activities. per StJ. Clearly, if the liberal-pluralist 3 contention of multiple and conflicting interest groups, including those within the capitalist class, is taken at face value, M interest group such as the Business Council on National Issues (BCND, must somehow maintain. internal consensus Md unity amongst its members. Internal consensus amongst its members ensures that the state can better acknowledge and articulate its concerns into policies that maintain hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction under the "public interest" fllf.JJdq. The author contends that the BCNI focuses most of its interactions on the upper echelons of the civil service since it is this branch of the state which is most responsible for policy formulation and implementation. The author's paradigm is applied within the context of extensively analyzing newspaper coverage. BCN! publications, and other published sources, as well as a personal interview with an executive administrative member of the BeNI. The discussion focuses on how agreement and unity amongst the various interests of the monopoly capital fraction are maintained through the business organization, its policy scope, and finally its interactions with the state. The analysis suggests that while the civil service is an important player in expressing the interests of the BCNI's membership through policies which ostensibly also reflect the "public interest", it is not the only strategic target for the BCNI's interactions with the state. The author's research also highlights the importance of government officials at the Cabinet level and Cabinet Committees. Senior elected officials from the Federal government are also significant in avoiding intergovernmental or interprovincial conflict in implementing policies that legitimize hegemonic dominance of the monopoly capital fraction over other fractions and classes.
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Through a case-study analysis of Ontario's ethanol policy, this thesis addresses a number of themes that are consequential to policy and policy-making: spatiality, democracy and uncertainty. First, I address the 'spatial debate' in Geography pertaining to the relevance and affordances of a 'scalar' versus a 'flat' ontoepistemology. I argue that policy is guided by prior arrangements, but is by no means inevitable or predetermined. As such, scale and network are pragmatic geographical concepts that can effectively address the issue of the spatiality of policy and policy-making. Second, I discuss the democratic nature of policy-making in Ontario through an examination of the spaces of engagement that facilitate deliberative democracy. I analyze to what extent these spaces fit into Ontario's environmental policy-making process, and to what extent they were used by various stakeholders. Last, I take seriously the fact that uncertainty and unavoidable injustice are central to policy, and examine the ways in which this uncertainty shaped the specifics of Ontario's ethanol policy. Ultimately, this thesis is an exercise in understanding sub-national environmental policy-making in Canada, with an emphasis on how policy-makers tackle the issues they are faced with in the context of environmental change, political-economic integration, local priorities, individual goals, and irreducible uncertainty.
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This research used a quantitative study approach to investigate the “boy crisis” in Canada. Boy crisis advocates suggest that boys are being surpassed by girls on reading assessments and promote strategies to assist male students. A feminist framework was used in this study that allowed for an investigation and discussion of the factors that mediate between gender and success at reading comprehension, interpretation, and response to text without ignoring female students. Reading scores and questionnaire data compiled by the Pan-Canadian Assessment Program were used in this research, specifically the PCAP-13 2007 assessment of approximately 30,000 13-year-old students from all Canadian provinces and Yukon Territory (CMEC, 2008). Approximately 20,000 participants wrote the reading assessment, while 30,000 students completed the questionnaire responses. Predictor variables were tested using parametric tests such as independent samples t-test, one-way ANOVA, chi-square analysis, and Pearson r. Findings from this study indicate that although boys scored lower than girls on the PCAP-13 2007 reading assessment, factors were found to influence the reading scores of both male and female students to varying degrees. Socioeconomic status, perceptions of the reading material used in language arts classrooms, reading preference, reading interest, parental involvement, parental encouragement for reading, and self-efficacy were all found to affect the reading performance of boys and girls. Relationships between variables were also found and are discussed in this research. The analysis presented in this study allows parents, educators, and policy makers to begin to critically examine and re-evaluate boy crisis literature and offers suggestions on how to improve reading performance for all students of all socioeconomic backgrounds.
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Hidden Motives: An Analysis of Online English as a Second Language (ESL) Teacher Hiring Practices in Japan and Hong Kong is a qualitative research paper examines and compares two large-scale Asian English language teaching programs: Japan’s Japan Exchange and Teaching (JET) Programme (JET Programme, 2010) and Hong Kong’s Native-speaking English Teacher (NET) Scheme (NET Scheme, 2013). Both government sponsored programs recruit internationally and invite participants to work within each country’s public schools while living amongst local communities and both programs utilize their online presence to attract, inform, and recruit individuals. The purpose of this research is to investigate whether the JET and NET websites are transparent with their governmental motives aside from improving their students’ English language abilities. While JET and NET websites were interrogated, the research questions were regularly revisited to determine if the two sites made any underlying motives clear to the candidates. The research, supported by academic literature, exposed the JET Programme website to be a branch of the Japanese government’s soft power campaign, whereby JET teachers were hired firstly as potential advocates for Japan and Japanese culture rather than English teachers. Conversely, the NET Scheme appeared to be solely commissioned for English language improvement as reflected by their website. Findings from the research can provide insight to applicants to help them decide if they want to participant in these programs. Without clearly understanding the background that motivates these programs, participants may unknowingly be used to support the host government’s agendas.
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This paper analyzes the dynamics of wages and workers' mobility within firms with a hierarchical structure of job levels. The theoretical model proposed by Gibbons and Waldman (1999), that combines the notions of human capital accumulation, job rank assignments based on comparative advantage and learning about workers' abilities, is implemented empirically to measure the importance of these elements in explaining the wage policy of firms. Survey data from the GSOEP (German Socio-Economic Panel) are used to draw conclusions on the common features characterizing the wage policy of firms from a large sample of firms. The GSOEP survey also provides information on the worker's rank within his firm which is usually not available in other surveys. The results are consistent with non-random selection of workers onto the rungs of a job ladder. There is no direct evidence of learning about workers' unobserved abilities but the analysis reveals that unmeasured ability is an important factor driving wage dynamics. Finally, job rank effects remain significant even after controlling for measured and unmeasured characteristics.
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Adjustement is an ongoing process by which factors of reallocated to equalize their returns in different uses. Adjustment occurs though market mechanisms or intrafirm reallocation of resources as a result of changes in terms of trade, government policies, resource availability, technological change, etc. These changes alter production opportunities and production, transaction and information costs, and consequently modify production functions, organizational design, etc. In this paper we define adjustment (section 2); review empirical estimates of the extent of adjustment in Canada and abroad (section 3); review selected features of the trade policy and adjustment context of relevance for policy formulation among which: slow growth, a shift to services, a shift to the Pacific Rim, the internationalization of production, investment distribution communications the growing use of NTB's, changes in foreign direct investment patterns, intrafirm and intraindustry trade, interregional trade flows, differences in micro economic adjustment processes of adjustment as between subsidiaries and Canadian companies (section 4); examine methodologies and results of studies of the impact of trade liberalization on jobs (section 5); and review the R. Harris general equilibrium model (section 6). Our conclusion emphasizes the importance of harmonizing commercial and domestic policies dealing with adjustment (section 7). We close with a bibliography of relevant publications.
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We highlight an example of considerable bias in officially published input-output data (factor-income shares) by an LDC (Turkey), which many researchers use without question. We make use of an intertemporal general equilibrium model of trade and production to evaluate the dynamic gains for Turkey from currently debated trade policy options and compare the predictions using conservatively adjusted, rather than official, data on factor shares.
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This paper makes some steps toward a formal political economy of environmental policy. Economists' quasi-unanimous preferences for sophisticated incentive regulation is reconsidered. First, we recast the question of instrument choice in the general mechanism literature and provide an incomplete contract approach to political economy. Then, in various settings, we show why constitutional constraints on the instruments of environmental policy may be desirable, even though they appear inefficient from a purely standard economic viewpoint.
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L'introduction de nouvelles biotechnologies dans tout système de soins de santé est un processus complexe qui est étroitement lié aux facteurs économiques, politiques et culturels, et, par conséquent, demande de remettre en cause plusieurs questions sociales et éthiques. Dans la situation particulière de l’Argentine - c’est-à-dire: de grandes inégalités sociales entre les citoyens, la rareté des ressources sanitaires, l’accès limité aux services de base, l’absence de politiques spécifiques - l'introduction de technologies génétiques pose de sérieux défis qui doivent impérativement être abordés par les décideurs politiques. Ce projet examine le cas des tests génétiques prénataux dans le contexte du système de santé argentin pour illustrer comment leur introduction peut être complexe dans une nation où l’accès égale aux services de santé doit encore être amélioré. Il faut également examiner les restrictions légales et les préceptes religieux qui influencent l'utilisation des technologies génétiques, ce qui souligne la nécessite de développer un cadre de référence intégral pour le processus d'évaluation des technologies afin d’appuyer l’élaboration de recommandations pour des politiques cohérentes et novatrices applicables au contexte particulier de l’Argentine.
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Cette recherche sur les barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques en Inde a trois objectifs : 1) évaluer si les buts, les objectifs, les instruments et la population visée, tels qu'ils sont formulés dans les politiques nationales actuelles de santé en Inde, permettent de répondre aux principales barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques; 2) évaluer les types de leviers et les instruments identifiés par les politiques nationales de santé en Inde pour éliminer ces barrières à l’accès; 3) et évaluer si ces politiques se sont améliorées avec le temps à l’égard de l’offre de soins à la population pour les maladies chroniques et plus spécifiquement chez les pauvres. En utilisant le Framework Approach de Ritchie et Spencer (1993), une analyse qualitative de contenu a été complétée avec des politiques nationales de santé indiennes. Pour commencer, un cadre conceptuel sur les barrières à l’accès aux soins pour les pauvres atteints de maladies chroniques en Inde a été créé à partir d’une revue de la littérature scientifique. Par la suite, les politiques ont été échantillonnées en Inde en 2009. Un cadre thématique et un index ont été générés afin de construire les outils d’analyse et codifier le contenu. Finalement, les analyses ont été effectuées en utilisant cet index, en plus de chartes, de maps, d'une grille de questions et d'études de cas. L’analyse a tété effectuée en comparant les barrières à l’accès qui avaient été originalement identifiées dans le cadre thématique avec celles identifiées par l’analyse de contenu de chaque politique. Cette recherche met en évidence que les politiques nationales de santé indiennes s’attaquent à un certain nombre de barrières à l’accès pour les pauvres, notamment en ce qui a trait à l’amélioration des services de santé dans le secteur public, l’amélioration des connaissances de la population et l’augmentation de certaines interventions sur les maladies chroniques. D’un autre côté, les barrières à l’accès reliées aux coûts du traitement des maladies chroniques, le fait que les soins de santé primaires ne soient pas abordables pour beaucoup d’individus et la capacité des gens de payer sont, parmi les barrières à l'accès identifiées dans le cadre thématique, celles qui ont reçu le moins d’attention. De plus, lorsque l’on observe le temps de formulation de chaque politique, il semble que les efforts pour augmenter les interventions et l’offre de soins pour les maladies chroniques physiques soient plus récents. De plus, les pauvres ne sont pas ciblés par les actions reliées aux maladies chroniques. Le risque de les marginaliser davantage est important avec la transition économique, démographique et épidémiologique qui transforme actuellement le pays et la demande des services de santé.
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Comme à l’approche d’un tsunami, l’incidence grandissante des allergies affecte maintenant plus de 30% de la population des pays développés. Étant la cause de nombreuses morbidités et un risque significatif de mortalité, les allergies nécessitent des dépenses exorbitantes au système de santé et constituent une des plus importantes sources d’invalidité. Cette thèse a pour but de contribuer à faciliter la prise de décision éclairée dans le développement de politiques en santé en lien avec cette maladie immunitaire chronique en utilisant des principes d’éthique comme outils pour guider le développement de politiques en santé. Le premier chapitre démontre le présent déficit d’analyses des enjeux éthiques en allergologie et démontre de quelle façon les réflexions en éthique peuvent guider le développement de politiques et l’élaboration de stratégies appliquées aux allergies. Les chapitres qui suivront présentent des applications spécifiques des principes d’éthiques ciblant des contextes précis comme des méthodes qui fournissent des outils de réflexion et des cadres théoriques qui peuvent être appliqués par les décideurs pour guider des interventions en santé concernant les allergies et les conditions de co-morbidité reliées. Le second chapitre présente un cadre théorique pour l’évaluation et la priorisation d’interventions en santé publique par la diminution des allergènes présents dans l’environnement basées sur des théories de justice sociale. Les critères entourant les politiques d’évaluation se concentrent sur les enjeux éthiques référant aux populations vulnérables, sur une distribution plus égale des bénéfices pour la santé, et sur le devoir d’éviter la stigmatisation. Le troisième chapitre offre aux administrateurs et au personnel infirmier du réseau scolaire un cadre décisionnel pour guider le développement de politiques efficaces et éthiquement justifiables concernant les allergies alimentaires pour les écoles. Dans ce contexte, les principes de base d’éthique en santé publique et en bioéthique - par exemple, l’empowerment des populations vulnérables dans la prise en charge de leur santé et la protection de la confidentialité du dossier médical - servent d’outils pour évaluer les politiques. Le dernier chapitre emploie les principes de base de recherche en éthique comme méthode pour développer un argumentaire en faveur de la réforme des réglementations entourant la production de médicaments immunothérapeutiques. La nécessité éthique d’éviter les risques de méfait à l’endroit du sujet humain dans la recherche permettra de servir de guide pour structurer de futures politiques en santé publique en égard à la production d’immunothérapeutiques à l’échelle mondiale.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal