974 resultados para Pennsylvania State College.
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In this paper we present a research that took place between 2010 and 2012 included in an investigation scholarship awarded by the State University of la Plata. It is about the problem with the transition between college and professional work. It is a part of the produced studies on the importance of social representations as factors that impact on the performance of specific activities. In this case it's about finding out the relations given among the representations about graduated professional role of the Psychology career and its job insertion and performance. The theoretical framework corresponds to Social Psychology and Guidance theories. Methodologically this is an exploratory and descriptive study, based on the 'triangulation' conception, of multiple type, that allows combining in the same investigation, different strategies, theoretical perspectives and sources; however qualitative techniques were prioritized to analyze data. Finally there are some considerations about the social representations concerning to the professional performance, mainly in the clinical field associated to education, and also to the problems of both situations over other fields
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In this paper we present a research that took place between 2010 and 2012 included in an investigation scholarship awarded by the State University of la Plata. It is about the problem with the transition between college and professional work. It is a part of the produced studies on the importance of social representations as factors that impact on the performance of specific activities. In this case it's about finding out the relations given among the representations about graduated professional role of the Psychology career and its job insertion and performance. The theoretical framework corresponds to Social Psychology and Guidance theories. Methodologically this is an exploratory and descriptive study, based on the 'triangulation' conception, of multiple type, that allows combining in the same investigation, different strategies, theoretical perspectives and sources; however qualitative techniques were prioritized to analyze data. Finally there are some considerations about the social representations concerning to the professional performance, mainly in the clinical field associated to education, and also to the problems of both situations over other fields
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In this paper we present a research that took place between 2010 and 2012 included in an investigation scholarship awarded by the State University of la Plata. It is about the problem with the transition between college and professional work. It is a part of the produced studies on the importance of social representations as factors that impact on the performance of specific activities. In this case it's about finding out the relations given among the representations about graduated professional role of the Psychology career and its job insertion and performance. The theoretical framework corresponds to Social Psychology and Guidance theories. Methodologically this is an exploratory and descriptive study, based on the 'triangulation' conception, of multiple type, that allows combining in the same investigation, different strategies, theoretical perspectives and sources; however qualitative techniques were prioritized to analyze data. Finally there are some considerations about the social representations concerning to the professional performance, mainly in the clinical field associated to education, and also to the problems of both situations over other fields
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The titanomagnetite oxidation state of "zero age" ocean floor basalts was investigated. For this purpose the oxidation parameter, z, of Hole 648B basalts was determined by SEM observation of "shrinkage cracks" in individual titanomagnetite grains and by Curie temperature measurements. A mean z-value of 0.1 has been deduced for the Hole 648B basalts. Assuming a linear relationship between titanomagnetite low-temperature oxidation state and age of the oceanic basalt, an age of 0.7 m.y. is deduced for Hole 648B.
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The backarc glasses recovered during Ocean Drilling Program Leg 135 are unique among submarine tholeiitic glasses with respect to their oxygen fugacity and sulfur concentrations. Unlike mid-ocean-ridge basalt glasses, fO2 in these samples (inferred from ratios Fe3+/Fe2+) is high and variable, and S variations (90-1140 ppm) are not coupled with FeO concentration. Strong correlations occur between the alkali and alkaline-earth elements and both fO2 (positive correlations) and S concentrations (negative correlations). Correlations between fO2 and various trace elements are strongest for those elements with a known affinity for hydrous fluids (perhaps produced during slab dehydration), suggesting the presence of a hydrous fluid with high fO2 and high alkali and alkaline earth element concentrations in the Lau Basin mantle. Concentrations of S and fO2 are strongly correlated; high fO2 samples are characterized by low S in addition to high alkali and alkaline earth element concentrations. The negative correlations between S and these trace elements are not consistent with incompatible behavior of S during crystallization. Mass balance considerations indicate that the S concentrations cannot result simply from mixing between low-S and high-S sources. Furthermore, there is no relationship between S and other trace elements or isotope ratios that might indicate that the S variations reflect mixing processes. The S variations more likely reflect the fact that when silicate coexists with an S-rich vapor phase the solubility of S in the silicate melt is a function of fO2 and is at a minimum at the fO2 conditions recorded by these glasses. The absence of Fe-sulfides and the high and variable vesicle contents are consistent with the idea that S concentrations reflect silicate-vapor equilibria rather than silicate-sulfide equilibria (as in MORB). The low S contents of some samples, therefore, reflect the high fO2 of the supra-subduction zone environment rather than a low-S source component.
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Como no pocos proyectos, el origen de esta tesis es fruto de una casualidad. Hace unos años me topé en Londres, en la librería Walden Books del 38 de Harmood St., con una primera edición de la conocida monografía de Mies a cargo de Philip Johnson. El librito, en realidad catálogo de la exposición que en 1947 el MoMA de Nueva York dedicara a la obra de Mies Van der Rohe a los diez años del desembarco del arquitecto en Estados Unidos, tiene un tamaño de 10 x 7,5 pulgadas, es decir, la mitad del formato americano Crown (20x15 pulgadas), equivalente a 508 x 381 mm. Se imprimieron, en su primera tirada, editada por The Plantin Press, 12.000 ejemplares. Ese mismo año, con edición al cuidado de Reynal y Hitchcock, se publicaría la primera traducción al inglés de Cuando las catedrales eran blancas de Le Corbusier y una selección de poemas de Lorca, siete años después de su Poeta en Nueva York. En la monografía, en la página 109, aparece el conocido croquis de Mies Sketch for a glass house on a hillside. c. 1934, escasamente unas líneas, aunque precisas y llenas de matices, de la casa en una ladera que rápidamente nos remite a aquella primera propuesta de Saarinen para una casa en el aire, primero en 1941 en Pensilvania y después, en 1945, con Charles Eames, en Los Angeles, que nunca llegarían a construirse, sino en su aliteraciones posteriores realizadas por Harry Seidler (Julian Rose House, Wahroonga, Sydney, 1949), Philip Johnson (Leonhardt house, Long Island, Nueva York, 1956) o Craig Ellwood (Smith House, Crestwood Hills, 1958; Frank & Polly Pierson House, Malibú, 1962; Chamorro House, Hollywood Hills, 1963, o la serie Weekend House, con Gerald Horn, entre 1964 y 1970, hasta el magnífico Art Center College of Design de Pasadera, su puente habitado de 1977). El relato que da origen al texto discurre en un estricto período de tiempo, desde los primeros dibujos de la Case Study House nº8, dentro del programa promovido por John Entenza y su revista Arts & Architecture en California, realizados en el estudio de Saarinen en Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, hasta que el proyecto de la casa Eames finaliza cinco años después de acabar la obra en 1955, en la versión conocida, radicalmente distinta al proyecto original, cuando la pareja Charles y Ray Eames edita el corto House After Five Years of Living. La discusión original en torno a esta casita, o mejor, a las circunstancias, casualidades controladas, que rodean su construcción, se produce estrictamente cuando rastreamos aquellos invariantes que se mantienen en las dos versiones y las reconcilian. En este corto período de tiempo se producen en el proyecto una serie de decisiones que permiten descubrir, tanto en la forma como en el mismo proceso transformador del proyecto, en su obsesivo registro, en los nuevos referentes asumidos y propuestos, la primera visibilidad del cambio del paradigma moderno. Pero este momento germinal que cristaliza el paso a la postmodernidad no es inédito en la historia de la arquitectura americana. Así, el relato abre su ámbito temporal hasta un nuevo período de cincuenta años que arranca en 1893, año de la celebración en Chicago de la Exposición Internacional Colombina. En la White City de Hunt & McKim y del traidor Burham, Louis Sullivan construye su Golden Doorway en el pabellón de los Transportes. Aquella que visitará Adolf Loos antes de volver, renovado, a Viena; la misma que admirará André Bouillet, representante de la Union Centrale des Arts Decoratifs de Paris, y que deslumbrará en los museos de toda Europa, de París a Moscú en grandes fotografías y maquetas. Hasta que en Finlandia alguien muestra una de esas fotografías a un joven estudiante de diecinueve años en el Instituto Politécnico. Eliel Saarinen queda fascinado por la poderosa novedad de la imagen. Cuelga la fotografía frente a su tablero de dibujo, consciente de que la Golden Doorway, esa puerta de la aventura y la catarsis que Sullivan acuñaría como distintivo y que resolvería como único elemento complejo sus proyectos más maduros, desprovistos de todo ornamento; la misma que repetirían más tarde, con profundo reconocimiento, Ladovsky, Wright, Scarpa o Moneo, puerta dentro de puerta, fuelle y umbral, contenía, en sus propias palabras emocionadas, todo el futuro de la arquitectura. Desde ahí, pasando por el año 1910, momento de la huida de Wright a La Toscana y el descubrimiento de su arquitectura en Europa, entre otros por un joven Mies van der Rohe, meritorio en el estudio de Peter Behrens, a través del Wasmuth Portfolio; y así como algo después, en 1914, Schindler y en 1923 Neutra, harán el camino inverso, hasta que Mies les siga en 1937, animado por un Philip Johnson que había viajado a Europa en 1930, volviendo a 1945 y el inicio del programa Case Study House en California, hasta 1949, momento de la construcción de la CSH#8, y, por fin, al año 1955, after 5 years of living, en el que Julius Shulman fotografía la casa de Ray y Charles Eames en el prado de Chautauqua sobre las Pacific Palisades de Los Angeles, lanzando sus finas líneas amarillas hasta Alison y Peter Smithson y su tardomoderno heroico, hasta el primer Foster y su poético hightech y hasta el O-riginal Ghery, deconstruyendo el espacio esencial de su casa desde el espacio mismo, abiertas ya las puertas al nuevo siglo. Y en estos cambios de paradigma, desde el rígido eclecticismo de los estilos al lirismo moderno en el gozne secular y de ahí a la frivolidad, ligereza, exhibicionismo y oportunismo cultos del hecho postmoderno, hay algo que se mantiene invariante en los bandazos de la relación del hombre contemporáneo con su entorno. Como la escultura, que según Barnett Newman no es sino aquello contra lo que uno choca cuando retrocede para mirar un cuadro, en estos prístinos lugares, comunes y corrientes, recorrido, puerta, umbral, recinto y vacío, te topas con la arquitectura antes de darte cuenta de que es arquitectura. ABSTRACT As with many other projects, the origin of this doctoral thesis is the result of a chance. A few years ago I found in a bookstore in London, 38 Harmood st., Walden Books, a first edition of the well-known monograph about Mies by Philip Johnson. The tiny book, in fact a catalog of the exhibition that the MoMA of New York devoted to the work of Mies van der Rohe in 1947, ten years after his landing in the United States, has a size of 10 x 7.5 inches, that is, half of Crown American format (20 x 15 inches), equivalent to 508 x 381 mm. In the first printing, published by The Plantin Press, 12,000 copies were released. That same year, produced by Reynal and Hitchcock, both the first English translation of When the cathedrals were white by Le Corbusier and a selection of poems by Lorca were published, seven years after his Poet in New York. Inside the book, the famous drawing from Mies Sketch for a glass house on a hillside c. 1934 appears on page 109, barely a few lines, precise and nuanced though, the house on a hillside that quickly reminds us of the proposals of Eero Saarinen for a house in the air, first in 1941, in Pennsylvania, and later, in 1945, with Charles Eames, in Los Angeles, that would never be built, but in their later alliterations made by Harry Seidler (Julian Rose House, Wahroonga, Sydney, 1949), Philip Johnson (Leonhardt house, Long Island, New York, 1956) or Craig Ellwood (Smith House, Crestwood Hills, 1958; Frank Pierson & Polly House, Malibu, 1962, Chamorro House, Hollywood Hills, 1963, or the Weekend House series, with Gerald Horn, between 1964 and 1970, to the magnificent Art Center College of Design Pasadena, the inhabited bridge, in 1977). The story that gives rise to the text flows in a short amount of time, from the first drawings of the Case Study House No. 8, within the program promoted by John Entenza and his magazine Arts & Architecture in California, made in the study of Saarinen in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, until the project of the Eames house is completed five years after finishing the construction in 1955, in the final version we know, radically different from the initial state, when the couple, Charles and Ray, published the film House after Five Years of Living. The original discussion around this house, or better, about the circumstances, controlled coincidences, regarding its construction, appears when one takes account of those that remain, the invariants, in the two versions, drawn and built, which precisely allow the reconciliation between both projects. In this short period of time a series of decisions made in the transformation process of the project reveal, in the obsessive record made by Charles Eames and in the new proposed references, the first visibility of the changing of the modern paradigm. But this germinal moment that crystallizes the transition to postmodernism is not unprecedented in the history of American architecture. So, the story opens its temporal scope to a fifty-year period that started in 1893, date of the celebration of the Chicago World´s Columbian Exposition. In the White City by Hunt & McKim and Burnham, the traitor, Louis Sullivan builds his Golden Doorway in the Transportation Building. That visited by a renovated Adolf Loos before his coming back to Vienna; the same that André Bouillet, Head of the Union Centrale des Arts Decoratifs in Paris, admired and dazzled in museums all over Europe, from Paris to Moscow, in large photographs and models. Until someone in Finland showed one of those photos to a young nineteen-years-old student at the Polytechnic Institute. Eliel Saarinen became fascinated by the powerful new image: he hanged the picture in front of his drawing board, aware that the Golden Doorway, that door of adventure and catharsis Sullivan coined as distinctive and as a single complex element which would solve their most mature projects, devoid of all ornament; the same that would repeat later, with deep appreciation, Ladovsky, Wright, Scarpa, or Moneo, a door inside a door, a threshold, a gap that contained, in its own moving words, the whole future of architecture. From there, through 1910, when Wright's flight to Tuscany allows Europe to discover his architecture, including a young Mies van der Rohe, meritorious in the studio of Peter Behrens, via the Wasmuth Portfolio; and as a little bit later, in 1914, Schindler and Neutra in 1923, made the travel in opposite direction, until Mies follows them in 1937, led by a Philip Johnson who had traveled to Europe in 1930, we return to 1945 and the beginning of the program Case Study House in California, and from 1949, when construction of the CSH # 8 begins, and finally, to 1955, after five years of living, when Julius Shulman photographs the inside of the house with Ray and Charles Eames, and all their belongins, at the Chautauqua meadows on Pacific Palisades in Los Angeles, launching its fine yellow lines to Alison and Peter Smithson and his heroic late modern, up to the first Foster and his poetic hightech and even the O-riginal Gehry, deconstructing the essential space of his home from the space itself, opening the doors to the new century. And these paradigm shifts, from the hard eclectic styles to modern secular lyricism in the hinge and then overcoming the cultured frivolity, lightness, exhibitionism, and opportunism of the postmodern skeptical focus, something remains intense, invariant in the lurching relationship of contemporary man and his environment. As the sculpture, which according to Barnett Newman is what you bump into when you back up to see a painting, in these pristine, ordinary places, promenade, door, threshold, enclosure and emptiness, you stumble upon the architecture even before realizing that it is architecture.
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When Juanita Kidd was growing up in Wewoka, Oklahoma, she never saw a female lawyer, never mind a black female lawyer. At 16, Stout graduated from high school, but had to leave Oklahoma to find an accredited college, and later a law school that would accept her. Stout made an appearance at Lincoln University from 1935-1937, when she reigned as Queen of the Quill in 1936, but completed her Bachelor’s of Arts degree in Music from the University of Iowa. In 1948, Stout graduated from Indiana University’s School of Law. Juanita Stout paved the way for many aspiring female lawyers. In 1959, Stout was the first black female to be elected to a court of record in the United States. She also became the first black woman in history to serve on a state (Pennsylvania) Supreme Court.
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LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”
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ABSTRACT The higher education systems throughout the continent of Africa are undergoing unprecedented challenges and are considered in crisis. African countries, including Ghana, all have in common ties to their colonial legacy whereby they are confronted with weak policies put in place by their colonizers. Having gained their independence, Africans should now take responsibility for the task of reforming their higher education system. To date, nothing substantial has been accomplished, with serious implications for weakening and damaging the structures of the foundation of their educational systems. This qualitative, single case study utilized a postcolonial theory-critical pedagogy framework, providing guidance for coming to grips with the mindset posed by Ghana's colonial heritage in the postcolonial era, especially in terms of its damaging effects on Ghana's higher education system. The study explores alternative pathways for secondary school students to transition to tertiary education--a problematic transition that currently hinders open access to all and equality in educational opportunity, resulting in a tremendous pool of discontinued students. This transitional problem is directly related to Ghana's crisis in higher education with far reaching consequences. The alternative pathway considered in this study is an adaptation of the U.S. community college model or an integration of its applicable aspects into the current structures of the higher education system already in place. In-depth interviews were conducted with 5 Ghanaian professors teaching at community colleges in the United States, 5 Ghanaian professors teaching at universities in Ghana, and 2 educational consultants from the Ghanaian Ministry of Education. Based on their perspectives of the current state of Ghanaian higher education, analyzed in terms of pedagogy, structure/infrastructure, and curriculum, the participants provided their perceptions of salient aspects of the U.S. community college model that would be applicable to Ghana's situation, along with other recommendations. Access to all, including equality of educational opportunity, was considered essential, followed by adaptability, affordability, practicality, and quality of curriculum content and delivery. Canada's successful adaptation of the U.S. model was also discussed. Findings can help guide consideration of alternative pathways to higher education in Ghana and Africa as a whole.
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1894
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