887 resultados para Municipal government by city manager.


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The City of Madrid is putting into operation Intermodal Exchange Stations (IESs) to make connections between urban and suburban transportation modes easier for users of public transportation. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the actual effects that the implementation of IESs in the City of Madrid has on the affected stakeholders: users, public transportation operators, infrastructure managers, the government, the abutters and other citizens. We develop a methodology intended to help assess the welfare gains and losses for each stakeholder. Then we apply this methodology to the case study of the Avenida de América IES in the city of Madrid. We found that it is indeed possible to arrive at win–win solutions for the funding of urban transportation infrastructure, as long as the cost-benefit ratio of the project is high enough. Commuters save travel time. Bus companies diminish their costs of operation. The abutters gain in quality of life. The private operator of the infrastructure makes a fair profit. And the government is able to promote these infrastructure facilities without spending more of its scarce budgetary resources.

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The province of Salta is located the Northwest of Argentina in the border with Bolivia, Chile and Paraguay. Its Capital is the city of Salta that concentrates half of the inhabitants of the province and has grown to 600000 hab., from a small active Spanish town well founded in 1583. The city is crossed by the Arenales River descending from close mountains at North, source of water and end of sewers. But with actual growing it has become a focus of infection and of remarkable unhealthiness. It is necessary to undertake a plan for the recovery of the river, directed to the attainment of the well-being and to improve the life?s quality of the Community. The fundamental idea of the plan is to obtain an ordering of the river basin and an integral management of the channel and its surroundings, including the cleaning out. The improvement of the water?s quality, the healthiness of the surroundings and the improvement of the environment, must go hand by hand with the development of sport activities, of relaxation, tourism, establishment of breeding grounds, kitchen gardens, micro enterprises with clean production and other actions that contribute to their benefit by the society, that being a basic factor for their care and sustainable use. The present pollution is organic, chemical, industrial, domestic, due to the disposition of sweepings and sewer effluents that affects not only the flora and small fauna, destroying the biodiversity, but also to the health of people living in their margins. Within the plan it will be necessary to consider, besides hydric and environmental cleaning and the prevention of floods, the planning of the extraction of aggregates, the infrastructure and consolidation of margins works and the arrangement of all the river basin. It will be necessary to consider the public intervention at state, provincial and local level, and the private intervention. In the model it has been necessary to include the sub-model corresponding to the election of the entity to be the optimal instrument to reach the proposed objectives, giving an answer to the social, environmental and economic requirements. For that the authors have used multi-criteria decision methods to qualify and select alternatives, and for the programming of their implementation. In the model the authors have contemplated the short, average and long term actions. They conform a Paretooptimal alternative which secures the ordering, integral and suitable management of the basin of the Arenales River, focusing on its passage by the city of Salta.

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To develop effective cycling policies, decision makers and administrators should know the factors influencing the use of the bicycle for daily mobility. Traditional discrete choice models tend to be based on variables such as time and cost, which do not sufficiently explain the choice of the bicycle as a mode of transportation. Because psychological factors have been identified as particularly influential in the decision to commute by bicycle, this paper examines the perceptions of cycling factors and their influence on commuting by bicycle. Perceptions are measured by attitudes, other psychological variables, and habits. Statistical differences in the variables are established in relation to the choice of commuting mode and bicycle experience (commuter, sport–leisure, no use). Doing so enables the authors to identify the main barriers to commuting by bicycle and to make recommendations for cycling policies. Two underlying structures (factors) of the attitudinal variables are identified: direct benefits and long-term benefits. Three other factors are related to variables of difficulty: physical conditions, external facilities, and individual capacities. The effect of attitudes and other psychological variables on people’s decision to cycle to work–place of study is tested by using a logit model. In the case study of Madrid, Spain, the decision to cycle to work– place of study is heavily influenced by cycling habits (for noncommuting trips). Because bicycle commuting is not common, attitudes and other psychological variables play a less important role in the use of bikes.

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New European directives have proposed the direct application of compost and digestate produced from municipal solid wastes as organic matter sources in agricultural soils. Therefore information about phosphorus leaching from these residues when they are applied to the soil is increasingly mportant. Leaching experiments were conducted to determine the P mobility in compost and digestate mixtures, supplying equivalent amounts to 100 kg P ha?1 to three different types of soils. The tests were performed in accordance with CEN/TS 14405:2004 analyzing the maximum dissolved reactive P and the kinetic rate in the leachate. P biowaste fractionation indicated that digestate has a higher level of available P than compost has. In contrast, P losses in leaching experiments with soil-compost mixtureswere higher than in soil-digestate mixtures. For bothwastes, therewas no correlation between disolved reactive P lost and the water soluble P.The interaction between soil and waste, the long experimentation time, and the volume of leachate obtained caused the waste?s wettability to become an influential parameter in P leaching behavior. The overall conclusion is that kinetic data analysis provides valuable information concerning the sorption mechanism that can be used for predicting the large-scale behavior of soil systems.

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El crecimiento demográfico y el proceso de urbanización que ha experimentado el planeta en el último siglo se ha traducido, en contextos de pobreza, en la generación de tugurios y en el aumento de la población viviendo en condiciones de habitabilidad precaria (HaP) fruto de la urbanización informal. Situación que, según las estimaciones de Naciones Unidas continuará teniendo lugar en las próximas décadas, especialmente en las ciudades de las regiones menos desarrolladas. Este ha sido el problema específico que se ha querido atender con el presente trabajo: la búsqueda de un instrumento urbano que incida en la reducción de las tasas de precariedad habitacional urbana futuras, la búsqueda de instrumentos que eviten que ese aumento de la urbanización se traduzca en aumento de población condenada a vivir en tugurios durante décadas. Dicha búsqueda ha tenido lugar en el marco de la teoría de la Habitabilidad Básica (HaB) desarrollada por el ICHaBCátedra UNESCO de Habitabilidad Básica de la UPM. Una HaB que consiste en la satisfacción de las necesidades fundamentales de habitabilidad pero, a su vez, o más importante aún, en una esperanza de mejora y progreso paulatino de esas condiciones elementales entendida como herramienta de desarrollo y lucha contra la pobreza. Como herramienta básica, no se trata de ofrecer las condiciones ideales, sino de brindar un camino razonable, que se considera posible, para que miles de millones de personas que viven en HaP o parecen condenadas a tener que hacerlo, puedan acceder a mejores condiciones de vida en tiempos más cortos. Entre las políticas habitacionales no convencionales puestas en marcha desde Hábitat I en 1976, las de habilitación urbana progresiva, y más en particular, la Ocupación Guiada, resultan ser en contextos de escasez económica, el mejor instrumento para hacer frente a la urbanización informal, un instrumento paradigmático mínimo preferente de implantación ex novo de HaB. Lo es, por la atención prestada en la elección del suelo y la parcelación, las dos etapas cabecera del proceso, así como por los mecanismos implementados para atender la etapa de urbanización en su fase provisional, y por dejar la última etapa, la de la edificación de las viviendas, en manos de la población. El proceso de urbanización que se favorece es parecido al de los tugurios y ocupaciones ilegales en lo referente a las etapas y mecanismos de crecimiento. Sin embargo, la diferencia está en las condiciones en las que se produce, en los niveles de salubridad y de seguridad, y en la proyección de futuro. El Programa de Ocupación Guiada 'Alto Trujillo' (POG), puesto en marcha por la municipalidad de Trujillo (Perú) entre 1995 y 2006 fue concebido para hacer frente a los procesos de urbanización informal que estaban teniendo lugar en la ciudad y ha demostrado ser un mecanismo adecuado para garantizar el acceso regulado al suelo, las infraestructuras, los servicios básicos y la vivienda en condiciones de fuerte restricción económica mediante un cogestión acertada entre municipalidad, población y demás actores del proceso. El POG eligió un suelo no vulnerable y en continuidad con el tejido urbano, con la parcelación estableció el orden geométrico del asentamiento y reservó los espacios públicos destinados a equipamientos, zonas verdes y viario, y fijó las dimensiones de las parcelas, acompañó a la población en el proceso de ocupación guiada de las mismas, así como en el posterior desarrollo progresivo del asentamiento haciendo una fuerte apuesta por lo público, relegando la construcción de las viviendas al esfuerzo de los pobladores. Los POG municipales resultan ser un instrumento replicable siempre que se den cinco condiciones: la existencia de un marco institucional adecuado que contemple la descentralización de competencias, que haya interés y continuidad política en el gobierno local, acceso a suelo urbano disponible y voluntad de co-gestión con la población. El análisis del POG ha permitido elaborar una propuesta de replicabilidad del POG basada en la experiencia de soluciones ya implementadas, que han sido contrastadas empíricamente y analizadas para aprender de sus fortalezas, oportunidades, debilidades y amenazas, así como de sus aciertos y errores. La estrategia de replicabilidad del POG se plantea como alternativa a la urbanización informal con mecanismos mejorados para que las ciudades se desarrollen siguiendo unos parámetros mínimos de HaB y no a través de asentamientos informales que dificulten el progreso futuro de las familias que los habitan y de las mismas ciudades de las que forman parte. Esta propuesta de replicabilidad, que precisa ser adaptada a cada contexto, tenía una clara vocación: intentar ser instrumento en la región del planeta donde, según las estimaciones, en los próximos treinta años el crecimiento demográfico y el proceso de urbanización serán más fuertes: África Subsahariana. Por ello, con el apoyo de expertos mozambiqueños en temas de habitabilidad, se estudió la replicabilidad en Mozambique incorporando las medidas necesarias que darían respuesta a los condicionantes particulares del país. ABSTRACT The demographic growth and the urbanisation process that the planet has experienced in the last century has turned into the generation of slums and in the increase of population living in conditions of precarious habitability (HaP) result of the informal urbanisation, in contexts of poverty. According to the United Nations estimations, this situation will continue taking place in the next decades, especially in the cities of the least developed regions. The present work has wanted to attend this specific problem by the search of an urban instrument that has an impact on the reduction of the urban future precarious housing rates, a search of instruments that prevent that this urbanisation spread become an increase of population doomed to live in slums during decades. The above mentioned search has taken place in the frame of the Basic Habitability theory (HaB) developed by the ICHaB-Cátedra UNESCO of Basic Habitability of the UPM. HaB consists of the satisfaction of the fundamental habitability needs but, in turn, or still more important, it is the hope of improvement and gradual progress of these elementary conditions. The HaB is understood as a tool of development and fight against poverty. As a basic tool, it does not offer the ideal conditions, but it offers a reasonable way, which is considered to be possible, so that thousands of million persons who live in HaP or that seem to be doomed to have to do it, could gain access to better living conditions in shorter times. Between the non conventional housing policies started up from Habitat I in 1976, those of urban progressive fitting out, and more especially, the Guided Occupation, has turned out to be, in contexts of economic shortage, the best instrument to face the informal urbanisation, a preferential and minimum paradigmatic instrument of ex-novo HaB implementation. It is so due to the attention given to the appropriate site selection and the land allotment, both headboard stages of the process, as well as to the mechanisms implemented to attend the urbanisation stage in its provisional phase, and to leave the last stage, the building process, in population hands. The urbanisation process that is favored is similar to that of the slums and squatting in what concerns the stages and mechanisms of growth. Nevertheless, the difference is in the conditions in which it takes place, in the levels of health and safety, and in the future projection. The Program of Guided Occupation 'Alto Trujillo' (PGO), turned on by the Provincial City Hall of Trujillo (Peru) between 1995 and 2006, was conceived to face the processes of informal urbanisation that took place in the city and it has demonstrated to be a mechanism adapted to guarantee the regulated access to soil, infrastructures, basic services and housing in conditions of strong economic restriction by means of a succeeded co-management between municipality, population and other process actors. The PGO chose a non vulnerable soil in continuity with the urban fabric, with the land allotment established the settlement geometric order, reserved the public spaces allocated for urban facilities, green spaces and streets, and fixed the plot dimensions, accompanied the population in the plot guided occupation process, as well as in the later progressive settlement development betting strongly for the public components, relegating the housing construction to the settlers effort. The municipal PGO turn out to be a replicable instrument under five conditions: the existence of an institutional suitable frame that contemplates the decentralization competitions, interest and political continuity in the local government, access to urban available soil and will of co-management with the population. The PGO analysis has allowed to elaborate a replicability proposal of the PGO based on the experience of the already implemented solutions, which have been empirically confirmed and analyzed to learn of its strengths, opportunities, weaknesses and threats, as well as of its successes and mistakes. The replicability strategy of the PGO is considered an alternative to the informal urbanisation with improved mechanisms in order that the cities can develop following a few HaB's minimal parameters, but not through informal settlements that would make difficult the families future progress and that of the cities where they live. This replicability proposal, that needs to be adapted to every context, had a clear vocation: try to be an instrument in the region of the planet where, according to the estimations, in the next thirty years the demographic growth and the urbanisation process will be stronger: Sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, with the support of Mozambican experts in habitability topics, the replicability was studied in Mozambique incorporating the necessary measures that would give response to the country's determinants.

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En la Comunidad de Madrid el modelo de ocupación del territorio en las dos últimas décadas ha obedecido a factores de oferta del mercado y no a las necesidades de la población, ello provoca un consumo de suelo y de recursos que conducen a una sobrexplotación insostenible. Las metrópolis globales están experimentando rápidas e intensas transformaciones, basadas en los paradigmas emergentes de la globalización, la gobernanza, la metropolizacion y la dispersión de las actividades en el territorio y a través de ellos se abordan los planes de Londres, París y las tentativas de Madrid. La globalización provoca la pérdida de soberanía de las administraciones publicas y la competitividad entre las ciudades globales en Europa, Londres, Paris y Madrid, son centros de poder, de concentración y crecimiento donde se produce la dualización del espacio y donde la desigualdad participa de la restructuración urbana, concentración de pobreza frente a espacios de la nueva clase emergente en donde dominan los sectores de servicios y las tecnologías de la información. Frente al desarrollo urbano neoliberal de regulación a través del mercado y basada en criterios de eficiencia de la Nueva Gestión Pública, se vislumbra la posibilidad de que la sociedad se administre a si misma por medio de acciones voluntarias y responsables que promuevan los intereses colectivos mediante el reconocimiento de su propia identidad, introduciendo el concepto de gobernanza. Frente, a la explotación del territorio por parte de la sociedad extractiva que genera corrupcion, se propone un modelo de cooperación público-privada basado en la confianza mutua, un marco regulador estable, la transparencia y la información a cuyo flujo más homogéneo contribuirán sin duda las TICs. En todo este proceso, las regiones metropolitanas en Europa se erigen como motores del crecimiento, donde los límites administrativos son superados, en un territorio cada vez más extendido y donde los gobiernos locales tienen que organizarse mediante un proceso de cooperación en la provisión de servicios que ayuden a evitar los desequilibrios territoriales. El fenómeno de la dispersión urbana en desarrollos de baja densidad, los centros comerciales periféricos, la expulsión hacia la periferia de las actividades de menor valor añadido y la concentración de funciones directivas en el centro, conducen a una fragmentación del territorio en islas dependientes del automóvil y a procesos de exclusión social por la huida de las rentas altas y la expulsión de las rentas bajas de los centros urbanos. Se crean fragmentos monofuncionales y discontinuos, apoyados en las autovías, lugares carentes de identidad y generadores de despilfarro de recursos y una falta de sostenibilidad ambiental, económica y social. El estudio de la cultura de la planificación en Europa ayuda a comprender los diferentes enfoques en la ordenación del territorio y el proceso de convergencia entre las diferentes regiones. Los documentos de la UE se basan en la necesidad de la competitividad para el crecimiento europeo y la cohesión social y en relación al territorio en los desarrollos policéntricos, la resolución del dualismo campo-ciudad, el acceso equilibrado a las infraestructuras, la gestión prudente de la naturaleza, el patrimonio y el fomento de la identidad. Se proponen dos niveles de estudio uno actual, los últimos planes de Londres y Paris y el otro la evolución de las tentativas de planes en la Región madrileña siempre en relación a los paradigmas emergentes señalados y su reflejo en los documentos. El Plan de Londres es estratégico, con una visión a largo plazo, donde se confiere un gran interés al proceso, al papel del alcalde como líder y su adaptación a las circunstancias cambiantes, sujeto a las incertidumbres de una ciudad global. El desarrollo del mismo se concibe a través de la colaboración y cooperación entre las administraciones y actores. La estructura del documento es flexible, establece orientaciones y guías indicativas, para la redacción de los planes locales, no siendo las mismas vinculantes y con escasa representación grafica. El Plan de París es más un plan físico, similar al de otros centros europeos, trabaja sobre los sectores y sobre los territorios, con información extensa, con características de “Plan Latino” por la fuerza de la expresión gráfica, pero al mismo tiempo contiene una visión estratégica. Es vinculante en sus determinaciones y normativas, se plantea fomentar, pero también prohibir. Ambos planes tratan la competitividad internacional de sus centros urbanos, la igualdad social, la inclusión de todos los grupos sociales y la vivienda como una cuestión de dignidad humana. Londres plantea la gobernanza como cooperación entre sector público-privado y la necesaria cooperación con las regiones limítrofes, en París las relaciones están más institucionalizadas resaltando la colaboración vertical entre administraciones. Ambos plantean la densificación de nodos servidos por transporte público, modos blandos y el uso los TODs y la preservación de la infraestructura verde jerarquizada, la potenciación de la red azul y la mejora del paisaje de las periferias. En las “tentativas” de planes territoriales de Madrid se constata que estuvieron sujetas a los ciclos económicos. El primer Documento las DOT del año 1984, no planteaba crecimiento, ni económico ni demográfico, a medio plazo y por ello no proponía una modificación del modelo radio concéntrico. Se trataba de un Plan rígido volcado en la recuperación del medio rural, de la ciudad, el dimensionamiento de los crecimientos en función de las dotaciones e infraestructuras existentes. Aboga por la intervención de la administración pública y la promoción del pequeño comercio. Destaca el desequilibrio social en función de la renta, la marginación de determinados grupos sociales, el desequilibrio residencia/empleo y la excesiva densidad. Incide en la necesidad de viviendas para los más desfavorecidos mediante el alquiler, la promoción suelo público y la promoción del ferrocarril para dar accesibilidad al espacio central. Aboga por el equipamiento de proximidad y de pequeño tamaño, el tratamiento paisajístico de los límites urbanos de los núcleos y el control de las actividades ilegales señalando orientaciones para el planeamiento urbano. Las Estrategias (1989) contienen una visión: la modificación del modelo territorial, mediante la intervención pública a través de proyectos. Plantea la reestructuración económica del territorio, la reconversión del aparato productivo, la deslocalización de actividades de escaso valor añadido y una mayor ubicuidad de la actividad económica. Incide en la difusión de la centralidad hacia el territorio del sur, equilibrándolo con el norte, tratando de recomponer empleo y residencia, integrando al desarrollo económico las periferias entre sí y con el centro. Las actuaciones de transporte consolidarían las actuaciones, modificando el modelo radio concéntrico facilitando la movilidad mediante la red de cercanías y la intermodalidad. El plan se basaba en el liderazgo del Consejero, no integrando sectores como el medio ambiente, ni estableciendo un documento de seguimiento de las actuaciones que evaluara los efectos de las políticas y su aportación al equilibrio territorial, a través de los proyectos realizados. El Documento Preparatorio de las Bases (1995), es más de un compendio o plan de planes, recoge análisis y propuestas de los documentos anteriores y de planes sectoriales de otros departamentos. Presenta una doble estructura: un plan físico integrador clásico, que abarca los sectores y territorios, y recoge las Estrategias previas añadiendo puntos fuertes, como el malestar urbano y la rehabilitación el centro. Plantea la consecución del equilibrio ambiental mediante el crecimiento de las ciudades existentes, la vertebración territorial basada en la movilidad y en la potenciación de nuevas centralidades, la mejora de la habitabilidad y rehabilitación integral del Centro Urbano de Madrid, y la modernización del tejido productivo existente. No existe una idea-fuerza que aglutine todo el documento, parte del reconocimiento de un modelo existente concentrado y congestivo, un centro urbano dual y dos periferias al este y sur con un declive urbano y obsolescencia productiva y al oeste y norte con una dispersión que amenaza al equilibrio medioambiental. Señala como aspectos relevantes, la creciente polarización y segregación social, la deslocalización industrial, la aparición de las actividades de servicios a las empresas instaladas en las áreas metropolitanas, y la dispersión de las actividades económicas en el territorio por la banalización del uso del automóvil. Se plantea el reto de hacer ciudad de la extensión suburbana y su conexión con el sistema metropolitano, mediante una red de ciudades integrada y complementaria, en búsqueda de un mayor equilibrio y solidaridad territorial. Las Bases del PRET (1997) tenían como propósito iniciar el proceso de concertación en que debe basarse la elaboración del Plan. Parte de la ciudad mediterránea compacta, y diversa, y de la necesidad de que las actividades económicas, los servicios y la residencia estén en proximidad, resolviéndolo mediante una potente red de transporte público que permitiese una accesibilidad integrada al territorio. El flujo de residencia hacia la periferia, con un modelo ajeno de vivienda unifamiliar y la concentración del empleo en el centro producen desequilibrio territorial. Madrid manifiesta siempre apostó por la densificación del espacio central urbanizado, produciendo su congestión, frente al desarrollo de nuevos suelos que permitieran su expansión territorial. Precisa que es necesario preservar los valores de centralidad de Madrid, como generador de riqueza, canalizando toda aquella demanda de centralidad, hacia espacios más periféricos. El problema de la vivienda no lo ve solo como social, sino como económico, debido a la pérdida de empleos que supone su paralización. Observa ya los crecimientos residenciales en el borde de la region por el menor valor del suelo. Plantea como la política de oferta ha dado lugar a un modelo de crecimiento fragmentado, desequilibrado, desestructurado, con fuertes déficits dotacionales y de equipamiento, que inciden en la segregación espacial de las rentas, agravando el proceso de falta de identidad morfológica y de desarraigo de los valores urbanos. El plan señalaba que la presión sobre el territorio creaba su densificación por las limitaciones de espacio, Incidía en limitar el peso de la intervención pública, no planteando propuestas de cooperación público-privado. La mayor incoherencia estriba en que los objetivos eran innovadores y coinciden en su mayoría con las propuestas estudiadas de Londres o Paris, pero se intentan implementar a través de un cambio hacia un modelo reticulado homogéneo, expansivo sobre el territorio, que supone un consumo de suelo y de infraestructuras para solucionar un problema inexistente, la gestión de la densidad. Durante las dos últimas décadas en ausencia de un plan regional, la postura neoliberal fue la de un exclusivo control de legalidad del planeamiento, los municipios entraron en un proceso de competencia para aprovechar las iniciales ventajas económicas de los crecimientos detectados, que proporcionaban una base económica “sólida” a unos municipios con escasos recursos en sus presupuestos municipales. La legislación se modifica a requerimiento de grupos interesados, no existiendo un marco estable. Se pierde la figura del plan no solo a nivel regional, si no en los sectores y el planeamiento municipal donde los municipios tiende a basarse en modificaciones puntuales con la subsiguiente pérdida del modelo urbanístico. La protección ambiental se estructura mediante un extenso nivel de figuras, con diversidad de competencias que impide su efectiva protección y control. Este proceso produce un despilfarro en la ocupación del suelo, apoyada en las infraestructuras viarias, y un crecimiento disperso y de baja densidad, cada vez más periférico, produciéndose una segmentación social por dualización del espacio en función de niveles de renta. Al amparo del boom inmobiliario, se produce una falta de política social de vivienda pública, más basada en la dinamización del mercado con producción de viviendas para rentas medias que en políticas de alquiler para determinados grupos concentrándose estas en los barrios desfavorecidos y en la periferia sur. Se produce un incremento de la vivienda unifamiliar, muchas veces amparada en políticas públicas, la misma se localiza en el oeste principalmente, en espacios de valor como el entorno del Guadarrama o con viviendas más baratas por la popularización de la tipología en la frontera de la Región. El territorio se especializa a modo de islas monofuncionales, las actividades financieras y de servicios avanzados a las empresas se localizan en el norte y oeste próximo, se pierde actividad industrial que se dispersa más al sur, muchas veces fuera de la región. Se incrementan los grandes centros comerciales colgados de las autovías y sin población en su entorno. Todo este proceso ha provocado una pérdida de utilización del transporte público y un aumento significativo del uso del vehículo privado. En la dos últimas décadas se ha producido en la región de Madrid desequilibrio territorial y segmentación social, falta de implicación de la sociedad en el territorio, dispersión del crecimiento y un incremento de los costes ambientales, sociales y económicos, situación, que solo, a través del uso racional del territorio se puede reconducir, apoyado en una planificación integrada sensible y participativa. ABSTRACT In Madrid the model of land occupation in the past two decades has been driven by market supply factors rather than the needs of the population. This results in a consumption of land and resources that leads to unsustainable overexploitation. Addressing this issue must be done through sensitive and participatory integrated planning. Global cities are experiencing rapid and intense change based on the emerging paradigms of globalization, governance, metropolization and the dispersion of activities in the territory. Through this context, a closer look will be taken at the London and Paris plans as well as the tentative plans of Madrid. Globalization causes the loss of state sovereignty and the competitiveness among global cities in Europe; London, Paris and Madrid. These are centres of power, concentration and growth where the duality of space is produced, and where inequality plays a part in urban restructuration. There are concentrated areas of poverty versus areas with a new emerging class where the services sector and information technologies are dominant. The introduction of ICTs contributes to a more homogeneous flow of information leading, us to the concept of governance. Against neoliberal urban development based on free market regulations and efficiency criteria as established by the “New Public Management”, emerge new ways where society administers itself through voluntary and responsible actions to promote collective interests by recognizing their own identity. A new model of public-private partnerships surfaces that is based on mutual trust, transparency, information and a stable regulatory framework in light of territorial exploitation by the “extractive society” that generates corruption. Throughout this process, European metropolitan regions become motors of growth where administrative boundaries are overcome in an ever expanding territory where government is organized through cooperative processes to provide services that protect against regional imbalances. Urban sprawl or low-density development as seen in peripheral shopping centres, the off-shoring of low added-value activities to the periphery, and the concentration of business and top management functions in the centre, leads to a fragmentation of the territory in automobile dependent islands and a process of social exclusion brought on by the disappearance of high incomes. Another effect is the elimination of low income populations from urban centres. In consequence, discontinuous expansions and mono-functional places that lack identity materialize supported by a highway network and high resource consumption. Studying the culture of urban planning in Europe provides better insight into different approaches to spatial planning and the process of convergence between different regions. EU documents are based on the need of competitiveness for European growth and social cohesion. In relation to polycentric development territory they are based on a necessity to solve the dualism between field and city, balanced access to infrastructures, prudent management of nature and solidifying heritage and identity Two levels of study unfold, the first being the current plans of London and Île-de-France and the second being the evolution of tentative plans for the Madrid region as related to emerging paradigms and how this is reflected in documents. The London Plan is strategic with a long-term vision that focuses on operation, the role of the mayor as a pivotal leader, and the adaptability to changing circumstances brought on by the uncertainties of a global city. Its development is conceived through collaboration and cooperation between governments and stakeholders. The document structure is flexible, providing guidance and indicative guidelines on how to draft local plans so they are not binding, and it contains scarce graphic representation. The Plan of Paris takes on a more physical form and is similar to plans of other European centres. It emphasizes sectors and territories, using extensive information, and is more characteristic of a “Latin Plan” as seen in its detailed graphic expression. However, it also contains a strategic vision. Binding in its determinations and policy, it proposes advancement but also prohibition. Both plans address the international competitiveness of urban centres, social equality, inclusion of all social groups and housing as issues of human dignity. London raises governance and cooperation between public and private sector and the need for cooperation with neighbouring regions. In Paris, the relations are more institutionalized highlighting vertical collaboration between administrations. Both propose nodes of densification served by public transportation, soft modes and the use of TOD, the preservation of a hierarchical green infrastructure, and enhancing the landscape in urban peripheries. The tentative territorial plans for the Madrid region provide evidence that they were subject to economic cycles. The first document of master guidelines (1984) does not address either economic or demographic growth in the mid term and therefore does not propose the modification of the radio-concentric model. It is a rigid plan focused on rural and urban recovery and the dimensioning of growth that depends on endowments and infrastructures. It advocates government intervention and promotes small business. The plan emphasizes social imbalance in terms of income, marginalization of certain social groups, the imbalance of residence/employment and excessive density. It stresses the need for social rent housing for the underprivileged, promotes public land, and the supports rail accessibility to the central area. It backs facilities of proximity and small size, enhancing the landscaping of city borders, controlling illegal activities and draws out guidelines for urban planning. The strategies (1989) contain a vision: Changing the territorial model through public intervention by means of projects. They bring to light economic restructuring of territory, the reconversion of the productive apparatus, relocation of low value-added activities, and greater ubiquity of economic activity. They also propose the diffusion of centrality towards southern territories, balancing it with the north in an attempt to reset employment and residence that integrates peripheral economic development both in the periphery and the centre. Transport would consolidate the project, changing the radius-concentric model and facilitating mobility through a commuter and inter-modality network. The plan derives itself from the leadership of the minister and does not integrate sectors such as environment. It also does not incorporate the existence of a written document that monitors performance to evaluate the effects of policies and their contribution to the territorial balance. The Preparatory Document of the Bases, (1995) is more a compendium, or plan of plans, that compiles analysis and proposals from previous documents and sectorial plans from other departments. It has a dual structure: An integrating physical plan covering the sectors and territories that includes the previous strategies while adding some strengths. One such point is the urban discomfort and the rehabilitation of the centre. It also poses the achievement of environmental balance through the growth of existing cities, the territorial linking based on mobility, strengthening new centres, improving the liveability and comprehensive rehabilitation of downtown Madrid, and the modernization of the existing production network. There is no one powerful idea that binds this document. This is due to the recognition of an existing concentrate and congestive model, a dual urban centre, two eastern and southern suburbs suffering from urban decay, and an obsolescent productive north and west whose dispersion threatens the environmental balance. Relevant aspects the document highlights are increasing polarization and social segregation, industrial relocation, the emergence of service activities to centralized companies in metropolitan areas and the dispersion of economic activities in the territory by the trivialization of car use. It proposes making the city from the suburban sprawl and its connection to the metropolitan system through a network of integrated and complementary cities in search of a better balance and territorial solidarity. The Bases of PRET (1997) aims to start the consultation process that must underpin the development of the plan. It stems from a compact and diverse Mediterranean city along with the need for economic activities, services and residences that are close. To resolve the issue, it presents a powerful network of public transport that allows integrated accessibility to the territory. The flow of residence to the periphery based on a foreign model of detached housing and an employment concentration in the centre produces territorial imbalance. Madrid always opted for the densification of the central space, producing its congestion, against the development of new land that would allow its territorial expansion. The document states that the necessity to preserve the values of the housing problem is not only viewed as social, but also economic due to the loss of jobs resulting from their paralysis. It notes the residential growth in the regional border due to the low price of land and argues that the policy of supply has led to a fragmented model of growth that is unbalanced, unstructured, with strong infrastructure and facility deficits that affect the spatial segregation of income and aggravate the lack of morphological identity, uprooting urban values. The pressure on the territory caused its densification due to space limitation; the proposed grid model causes land consumption and infrastructure to solve a non-problem, density. Focusing on limiting the weight of public intervention, it does not raise proposals for public-private cooperation. The biggest discrepancy is that the targets were innovative and mostly align with the proposals in London and Paris. However, it proposes to be implemented through a shift towards a uniform gridded model that is expansive over territory. During the last two decades, due to the absence of a regional plan, a neoliberal stance held exclusive control of the legality of urban planning. The municipalities entered a competition process to take advantage of initial economic benefits of such growth. This provided a “solid” economic base for some municipalities with limited resources in their municipal budgets. The law was amended without a legal stable framework at the request of stakeholders. The character of the plan is lost not only regionally, but also in the sectors and municipal planning. This tends to be based on specific changes with the loss of an urban model. Environmental protection is organized through an extensive number of protection figures with diverse competencies that prevent its effective protection. This process squanders the use of the land, backed by increasing road infrastructure, dispersed occupations with low-density growth causing a social segmentation due to space duality based on income levels. During the housing boom, there is a reduction in social public housing policy mostly due to a boost in the market of housing production for average incomes than in rental policies for needy social groups that focus on disadvantaged neighbourhoods and southern suburbs. As a result, there is an increase in single-family housing, often protected by public policy. This is located primarily in the west in areas of high environmental value such as Guadarrama. There is also cheaper housing due to the popularization of typology in the border region. There, territory works as a mono-functional islands. Financial activities and advanced services for companies are located to the north and west where industrial activity is lost as it migrates south, often outside the region. The number of large shopping centres hanging off the highway infrastructure with little to no surrounding population increases. This process leads to the loss of dependency on public transport and a significant increase in the use of private vehicles. The absence of regional planning has produced more imbalance, more social segmentation, more dispersed growth and a lot of environmental, social and economic costs that can only be redirected through rational territorial.

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La ubicación marginal y el aislamiento de los Parques Urbanos implican infrautilización y deterioro de los mismos. Su interconexión mediante una red verde peatonal con limitaciones al tráfico rodado, supone una puesta en valor de todo el sistema de espacios libres y zonas verdes de la ciudad y un importante incentivo para desviar determinados flujos rodados a otras vías cercanas, rescatando así, espacios urbanos a favor del peatón. Esta conexión ayuda a minimizar la fragmentación del espacio urbano, generando nexos de unión, que articulan y estructuran la ciudad. En esta investigación se describe una metodología para localizar y seleccionar conectores entre distintos Parques Urbanos, evaluando su funcionalidad, seguridad, confort y atractivo. Como caso de estudio, se proponen las conexiones entre los Parques Públicos de una entidad determinada, situados en la ciudad de Madrid. Esta metodología es elástica, universal, y dada su sencillez, aplicable por personas no especializadas; estas características la hacen especialmente valiosa, para apoyar la toma de decisiones en los instrumentos de Ordenación del Territorio y en el desarrollo de Planes Específicos encaminados a la mejora de la calidad ambiental y al aumento de la potencialidad peatonal de la ciudad. ABSTRACT The marginal location and the solitary distribution of City Parks are factors that expose these “City Lungs” to be underused and damaged. The City Parks chained by a green pedestrian web with a minimized relevance for engine vehicles, generates an important enhancement for open spaces and green areas of the City, and a crucial incentive for altering the course of vehicle transportation from particular areas to proximate avenues and arteries, resulting in urban spaces being exclusively for pedestrians. This network helps to minimize the fragmentation of the urban space generating nodes of connection that provide a structure to the city. In this investigation a procedure is described for the purpose of identifying and prioritizing green connectors amongst the City Parks, evaluating the functionality, security, comfort, and attractions. For this research paper, it is proposed to establish a green web, which links up the main City Parks of Madrid. This methodology is elastic, universal, and due to its simplicity, can be applicable for non-specialized people of the field: these features make this urban concept a very estimable and valued idea that can be taken into consideration for future urban planning and for the development of specific plans with the object of improving the quality of the environment and lead to an increase of the pedestrian potential within the city.

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This paper describes a range of opportunities for military and government applications of human-machine communication by voice, based on visits and contacts with numerous user organizations in the United States. The applications include some that appear to be feasible by careful integration of current state-of-the-art technology and others that will require a varying mix of advances in speech technology and in integration of the technology into applications environments. Applications that are described include (1) speech recognition and synthesis for mobile command and control; (2) speech processing for a portable multifunction soldier's computer; (3) speech- and language-based technology for naval combat team tactical training; (4) speech technology for command and control on a carrier flight deck; (5) control of auxiliary systems, and alert and warning generation, in fighter aircraft and helicopters; and (6) voice check-in, report entry, and communication for law enforcement agents or special forces. A phased approach for transfer of the technology into applications is advocated, where integration of applications systems is pursued in parallel with advanced research to meet future needs.

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Essa pesquisa situa-se no âmbito da problemática da formação continuada de professores da educação básica, especialmente daqueles que trabalham nas séries iniciais do ensino fundamental. Considerando a importância da educação continuada e a diversidade de modelos e espaços de formação de professores, que são oferecidos pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação de São Paulo, a pesquisa propõe-se a investigar experiências diversas que nesse sentido foram desenvolvidas no período pós LDBEN 9394/96, tendo por objetivo principal compreender a contribuição de tais cursos para a profissionalização e a melhoria da competência docente. A metodologia é de natureza qualitativa, envolvendo dois tipos de coleta de dados: (a) documentais: textos oficiais e outros produzidos no âmbito dos programas analisados; e (b) depoimentos orais colhidos por meio de entrevistas gravadas com um grupo de 5 professoras polivalentes do Ensino Fundamental I da rede municipal de ensino de São Paulo. A análise dos dados se respalda em vários autores que sob diferentes enfoques têm teorizado sobre o trabalho e a profissão docente, dentre os quais, Nóvoa, Dubar, Tardif, Bourdoncle e Popkewitz. A articulação entre os dados empíricos e o referencial teórico foi feita por meio dos principais conceitos que orientam a investigação: profissão, profissionalização, desenvolvimento profissional, competência e saberes docente. A expectativa é a de poder contribuir com elementos novos a propósito da questão da formação continuada de professores e, também, sobre os diferentes modelos de formação propostos para a profissionalização docente, identificando as concepções que têm se incorporado à prática dos professores por meio desse processo. As análises permitiram concluir que a educação continuada pode ser um dos elementos constitutivos do processo de profissionalização docente, no entanto, sem outras ações conjuntas torna-se inviável a sua efetivação, pois esse processo está intimamente relacionado a uma gama de fatores sociais, econômicos e políticos e a níveis elevados de rigorosidade correlacionados à formação, organização e prestígio.

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Este trabalho discorre sobre como o município de Águas de São Pedro, situado no centro do Estado de São Paulo, constituído na década de 1930 como um espaço voltado à atividade turística, destaca-se pelo potencial termal. Até hoje a estância hidromineral tem no turismo a principal atividade econômica; entretanto, nossa pesquisa busca compreender se o atrativo primordial do Município está atrelado às águas medicinais, ou se outras características singulares da pequena cidade, como tranquilidade, beleza paisagística e segurança, o tornam um lugar propício ao passeio. Buscamos entender por que, dentre tantas opções de cidades interioranas disponíveis em São Paulo, Águas de São Pedro é escolhida como local de residência fixa, lugar de estabelecimento de casas de veraneio, sendo palco de um grande crescimento imobiliário; assim, desvendamos quais fatores da estância são responsáveis por atrair os turistas e veranistas/turistas de segunda residência. Os dados da pesquisa foram obtidos por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, observação direta, conversas informais, aplicação de questionários e entrevistas com vários atores socioeconômicos, tais como moradores, turistas, veranistas, rede hoteleira, comércios, imobiliárias e gestores municipais. Os resultados apontam que o município já passou por vários ciclos turísticos e, apesar de a estância hidromineral de Águas de São Pedro ser uma referência regional e até nacional de águas termais, e do poder público estar investindo para apresentar à sociedade um lugar cheio de qualidade de vida, símbolo de bem-estar, grande parcela dos turistas procura a cidade pelo passeio, gastronomia e compras, caracterizando um turismo excursionista, sem pernoite. Este é o motivo pelo qual a cidade vem passando por grande reestruturação paisagística, orquestrada pelo poder público e porque recebe incrementos do poder privado no que se refere à variedade de produtos e serviços ofertados. Percebemos que a maior parcela de moradores e turistas não têm o hábito de utilizar as águas medicinais, mesmo sabendo que a água sulfurosa, também chamada de \"Fonte da Juventude\", utilizada para ingestão e banhos terapêuticos, é a segunda melhor do mundo, superada apenas pela fonte de Pergoli, em Tabiano, na Itália (CAMARGO, 1990), porém o reconhecimento da Cidade como cidade das águas, cidade termal, cidade saúde, é resiliente.

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Criado inicialmente com a função básica de proteção aos pés, o calçado tornou-se um objeto de desejo e um acessório essencial de moda. Entre 1950 a 2015, estima-se que a produção mundial passe de 2,5 bilhões de pares produzidos para 25 bilhões de pares por ano, crescimento bem maior do que a população mundial. O couro, principal matéria-prima para a confecção de calçados, caracteriza-se por gerar grandes quantidades de resíduos ao longo de toda a cadeia produtiva. Especificamente na indústria coureiro-calçadista, o problema concentra-se nos elevados volumes de resíduos gerados na atividade produtiva, podendo causar desperdícios e grandes volumes de resíduos a serem descartados, envolvendo, principalmente, questões financeiras e ambientais. Países como Alemanha e Estados Unidos possuem legislação específica sobre a gestão de resíduos desde os anos 1970. No Brasil, depois de mais de 20 anos de tramitação no Congresso Nacional, em 2010, foi instituída a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos, que reúne princípios, objetivos, instrumentos, diretrizes e metas, que deverão ser adotados pelos governos nas esferas federal, estadual e municipal, bem como pelas empresas com vistas à gestão integrada e ao gerenciamento ambientalmente adequado dos resíduos sólidos. Dessa forma, o objetivo desta tese foi desenvolver um modelo de gestão de resíduos industriais para o setor calçadista de Franca-SP com vistas à Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos. O desenvolvimento do modelo teve como ponto de partida um estudo bibliográfico sobre o assunto e, na sequência, por intermédio de uma pesquisa aplicada, conseguiu-se, em um primeiro momento, analisar a situação atual para compreender o modelo de gestão de resíduos vigente e realizar uma pesquisa de diagnóstico dos resíduos industriais do setor. Tal pesquisa possibilitou verificar que atualmente, esses resíduos, são enviados em sua totalidade para aterros sanitários, possibilitou também sua quantificação e cálculos dos custos envolvidos para transporte e destinação. Na sequência, realizaram-se estudos sobre a viabilidade técnica e financeira para tratamento térmico desses resíduos e a busca de benchmark no setor. O estudo também proporcionou uma contribuição de caráter mais prático e/ou gerencial ao recomendar diretrizes para a elaboração de um plano de gestão integrada de resíduos industriais para o setor, e uma proposta de gestão compartilhada dos resíduos industriais entre a entidade de classe e as indústrias calçadistas, com vistas à eliminação de envio desses resíduos para aterros. Dessa forma, contribuiu também para a elaboração do Plano Municipal de Gestão Integrada de Resíduos Sólidos do município em questão. Nesse sentido, após as análises e desdobramentos das etapas anteriores, foi possível propor um modelo de gestão de resíduos industriais, bem como demonstrar sua viabilidade técnica e financeira. Tal modelo foi denominado \"Modelo de Equiparação de Custos com Eficiência Ambiental\".

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En 1933, por iniciativa municipal y con el apoyo del Gobierno, con la intención de captar un turismo extranjero y nacional de élite generando una nueva ‘industria’, se convoca el concurso de anteproyectos para la construcción de una ciudad satélite (a modo de ciudad jardín) para destinarla a ciudad de vacaciones en la Playa de San Juan (cvPSJ), Alicante, al que se presentan tres propuestas. Aquí se estudia el anteproyecto ganador (de P. Muguruza), que resulta pionero por las técnicas urbanísticas empleadas (información y zonificación), por la aplicación de la fotografía para la inserción de arquitecturas y equipamientos y por la sensibilidad desplegada en la protección del patrimonio cultural (medioambiental e histórico). Los referentes para este macro complejo turístico (de casi 10 km2), coetáneo a la Ciutat del Repós i Vacances (CRV) de Castelldefels, no proceden tanto de Europa como de EUA. Se realiza un análisis pormenorizado de la ordenación urbanística en atención a cómo el territorio existente la condiciona y se entrelaza con estrategias de promoción turística, donde se combinan la tríada: hotel, deporte y naturaleza (alojamiento, ocio y salud). Pero toda la ciudad está enfocada a un turismo burgués, para el que se prevé una arquitectura comercial que pronto envejecería en su repertorio. Veinticinco años después, en 1958, cuando las condiciones económicas y sociales fueron favorables al desarrollo de la zona, el mundo sería ya otro y el proyecto quedó obsoleto.

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The Huangtupo landslide is one of the largest in the Three Gorges region, China. The county-seat town of Badong, located on the south shore between the Xiling and Wu gorges of the Yangtze River, was moved to this unstable slope prior to the construction of the Three Gorges Project, since the new Three Gorges reservoir completely submerged the location of the old city. The instability of the slope is affecting the new town by causing residential safety problems. The Huangtupo landslide provides scientists an opportunity to understand landslide response to fluctuating river water level and heavy rainfall episodes, which is essential to decide upon appropriate remediation measures. Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) techniques provide a very useful tool for the study of superficial and spatially variable displacement phenomena. In this paper, three sets of radar data have been processed to investigate the Huangtupo landslide. Results show that maximum displacements are affecting the northwest zone of the slope corresponding to Riverside slumping mass I#. The other main landslide bodies (i.e. Riverside slumping mass II#, Substation landslide and Garden Spot landslide) exhibit a stable behaviour in agreement with in situ data, although some active areas have been recognized in the foot of the Substation landslide and Garden Spot landslide. InSAR has allowed us to study the kinematic behaviour of the landslide and to identify its active boundaries. Furthermore, the analysis of the InSAR displacement time-series has helped recognize the different displacement patterns on the slope and their relationships with various triggering factors. For those persistent scatterers, which exhibit long-term displacements, they can be decomposed into a creep model (controlled by geological conditions) and a superimposed recoverable term (dependent on external factors), which appears closely correlated with reservoir water level changes close to the river's edge. These results, combined with in situ data, provide a comprehensive analysis of the Huangtupo landslide, which is essential for its management.

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To study the possibility of producing better water quality from municipal wastewater, a membrane bioreactor (MBR) pilot plant with flat sheet (FS) and hollow fiber (HF) membranes coupled with another pilot plant equipped with nanofiltration (NF)/reverse osmosis (RO) membranes were operated to treat municipal wastewater from the wastewater treatment plant (WWTP) Rincón de León, Alicante (Spain). This study was focused on improving the quality of the permeate obtained from the MBR process when complemented by NF or RO stages with respect to salinity, organic matter and nutrients. Furthermore, the removal efficiencies of 10 EMPs were evaluated, comparing the reductions achieved between the wastewater treatment by MBR (adsorption to sludge and biodegradation) and the later treatment using NF or RO (mainly size exclusion). The results showed that the high quality of water was obtained which is appropriate for reuse with salinity removal efficiencies higher than 97%, 96% for total organic carbon (TOC), 91% for nitrates View the MathML sourceNO3- and 99% for total phosphorous (TP). High removal efficiencies were obtained for the majority of the analyzed EMP compounds.