989 resultados para Missouri State Horticultural Society


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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"Supplement to eighty-third annual report"

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"Published by order of the International Lodge of North America."

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Title from caption.

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No. 1-2, 1907-1908, as Proceedings of the annual meeting.

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Contains the reports of the State Penitentiary in Jefferson City; the Reformatory in Boonville; the Industrial Home for Girls in Chillicothe; and the Industrial Home for Negro Girls in Tipton.

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Guayule (Parthenium argentatum Gray) is a rubber-producing shrub native to the semi-arid region of north central Mexico and southwestern Texas. Timely harvest is critical to achieve maximum seed viability, vigour, and yield. The objective of this study was to investigate possible indicators of optimum seed maturity in guayule. The optimum harvest maturity time for guayule was studied by comparing quality parameters at different times after flowering. Heat units expressed as growing degree-days after flowering were calculated and related to seed development stages and quality. Seed quality at different stages of development was assessed by germination, capitulum dry mass, 1000 seed mass, and percentage of filled seeds. The maximum seed quality was recorded at 329 growing degree-days (GDD). This was 28 days from time of flowering. At this date, the moisture content of the capitulum was 48% on a wet basis and the colour was comparable to cinnamon (Code 165C) on the Royal Horticultural Society (R.H.S.) standard colour chart. Of all the parameters GDD, 1000 seed mass, and percentage of filled seeds provided a more rapid and reliable measure of optimum seed maturity. Colour identification can be used as an additional indicator. (C) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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O trabalho que tem por título: O Direito é torcido à Porta porque a Justiça se encontra deitada por terra é um exercício exegético que tem por objeto a perícope Am 5,10-13. Na análise semântica dos seus principais vocábulos evidenciou-se uma realidade social, política e econômica paradoxal em Israel, sob o comando de Jeroboão II (787-747 a.C.), como resultado de uma expansão territorial e comercial, de vitórias militares e da organização de um Estado tributarista. Esse modelo de sociedade gerou um antagonismo social entre uma elite abastada que esbanjava luxo e ostentação, à custa do suor e da fome de uma população empobrecida, especialmente a classe camponesa, que trabalhava para sustentar as benesses do mundo urbano. É de dentro dessa realidade que ecoa o grito de Amós como denúncia a esse estado de coisas, como palavra de desgraça e condenação a toda sorte de desmandos praticados em Israel. Entre esses a falência do sistema judiciário, pela prática da exploração e corrupção por parte dos magistrados, de ricos comerciantes e latifundiários, desviando o pobre do seu direito de recorrer em sua defesa perante o tribunal. Em razão disso, Amós anuncia a ruína de Israel, com o Dia de Javé, que será um anti-Êxodo, e aponta uma exigência ético-religiosa como forma de reverter esse não futuro para Israel, que se traduz no compromisso de estabelecer à Porta o Direito e a Justiça.

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EU enlargement - to countries in Central and Eastern Europe in 2004, the inclusion of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007, and increasing debates on Turkey’s membership - has dramatically transformed the European Union into a multi-religious space. Religious communities are not only shaping identities but are also influential factors in political discourse. This edited volume examines the activities of religious actors in the context of supranational European institutions and the ways in which they have responded to the idea of Europe at local and international levels. By bringing together scholars working in political science, history, law and sociology, this volume analyses key religious factors in contemporary EU architecture, such as the transformation of religious identities, the role of political and religious leaders, EU legislation on religion, and, the activities of religious lobbies. This book was published as a special issue of Religion, State and Society.

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This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament.

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This paper seeks to assess the degree to which Poland exercises power and influence in the European Union. It employs Poland's policy towards its eastern neighbours as a case study, and, in doing so, contributes to two wider scholarly debates on how EU policy towards Russia, Ukraine and Belarus is made, and also the broader question of the evolving nature of the relationship between the European Union and its member states. In doing so, it employs a synthetic framework that brings together the approaches for studying the power and influence of a given member state that were developed by Wallace et al. (2005), Tallberg (2008) and Moravcsik (1991, 1993, 1998). It concludes that Polish influence has been low.