Populismos y democracias defectuosas en El Ecuador (1996-2012): continuidades y diferencia

From 1995 to 2015, Ecuador experienced one of its longest periods of deep political, social and economic crisis. During this interval, three democratically elected governments (Bucaram, 1997; Mahuad, 2000 and Gutiérrez, 2005) were overthrown and a critical juncture arose in 2006 as a result. Since 2007, and as a consequence of these chaotic circumstances, new populist strongmen ascended and, amid the biggest bonanza of oil revenues in Ecuadorian history, established a defective democracy. The gradual escalation of authoritarian tendencies during the three consecutive terms in which Rafael Correa has acted as President, have resulted in the severe weakening of the country’s democratic institutions, since Correa’s has strived to perpetuate himself in power through continual re-election into office, instead of building an institutional quality-democracy. This study aims to clarify the historical foundations of the recurrence of caudillistas, populist and authoritarian governments in Ecuador, revealing the basis of the specific path dependence of Ecuadorian politics. We also explore the Jungian theory, specifically the “pseudo-hero myth”, as the political narrative which Correa’s regime successfully employed to establish its hegemony. Additionally, we perform a psychological-political case analysis by examining the social psychology components underlying the Ecuadorian path dependence towards authoritarian and populist caudillos: Specifically, our case study is framed within historical institutionalism, which focuses on methodological individualism to attend various political science and psychological-political theories...

A prematuridade no discurso materno: de que se trata?

Quais os efeitos do diagnóstico de prematuridade no discurso das mães e suas repercussões na relação mãe-criança? Partindo desta questão, que surgiu na experiência psicanalítica em um hospital pediátrico, o presente estudo visa analisar os efeitos do diagnóstico de prematuridade no discurso materno a partir de entrevistas psicanalíticas preliminares com mães de crianças prematuras. Trata-se de uma pesquisa clínica qualitativa que propõe uma articulação entre clínica e teoria a partir da construção de quatro casos clínicos fundamentados pelo referencial teórico da psicanálise de Freud, Lacan e autores contemporâneos. Se no imaginário social a prematuridade é associada a dificuldades em diversos contextos da vida, a análise de cada caso revela que este diagnóstico pode ou não ser encadeado pelo sujeito aos significantes que o marcam de forma prevalente. Nesta via, a prematuridade se desloca do lugar determinante de algo que sempre marca e decide, para um lugar que só pode ser escutado no um a um. Para a análise dos casos, elencou-se a divisão mãe-mulher como operador conceitual central dada sua prevalência nos discursos, em um percurso teórico que parte da história do amor materno ao exame psicanalítico da maternidade a partir da sexualidade feminina. Tais considerações partem do mito do amor materno de Badinter, em direção à equivalência do filho como substituto da falta fálica em Freud, até à ênfase ao desejo da mulher na mãe em Lacan. A discussão apresenta os diferentes lugares atribuídos à prematuridade por cada sujeito feminino e a prevalência de impasses próprios à conjunção e disjunção mãe-mulher incidindo na relação mãe-criança

O Guesa em New York: republicanismo e americanismo em Sousândrade

Esta tese analisa a poesia de Joaquim de Sousa Andrade (1832-1902), ou Sousândrade, e tem por objetivo discutir o imaginário político republicano como elo de ligação entre os poemas O Guesa, especialmente o Canto Décimo (1877), Novo Éden: Poemeto da adolescência, 1888-1889 (1893), Harpa de Ouro (189?) e a continuação O Guesa, o Zac (1902). A cronologia dessas obras indica que é a partir dos anos vividos por Sousândrade nos Estados Unidos que as figurações da República passam a permear os seus escritos. No Canto Décimo, gestado em Nova York, Sousândrade traça um panorama da sociedade estadunidense na década de 1870 e, embora haja críticas à certas práticas econômicas nesse canto, conforme discutiremos com vagar, destaca-se a emulação do poeta em exaltar aquele modelo sociopolítico. Essa atitude do escritor maranhense afinava-se com a visão de brasileiros imigrados nos Estados Unidos naquele mesmo período, os quais formavam uma rede de pensadores liberais comprometidos com a modernização do Brasil. Esse diálogo transatlântico que começa a ser traçado entre Estados Unidos e Brasil caracteriza uma alternativa ao modelo de civilização europeu até então em voga, tema ainda pouco explorado pela historiografia literária. De volta a pátria, Sousândrade dá prosseguimento ao seu fazer poético e, além do seu engajamento na nova conjuntura política do país, dedica-se à construção do mito fundador da República brasileira nos poemas concebidos desde 1893. A trajetória do poeta republicano foi marcada pelo seu anseio de progresso e modernização do Brasil, tarefa na qual ele empenhou-se política e literariamente.

El mito contrarrevolucionario de la «Restauración»

Durante la guerra de la independencia los sectores ultra-realistas construyeron la imagen de que el mundo anterior había sido atacado en sus bases y destruidos los elementos que lo sustentaban. Una amplia publicística fue creciendo en este contexto. Sin embargo, ante el inminente regreso del rey en 1814, vieron la oportunidad de recuperar el poder perdido y cambiaron de estrategia. El mito de la recuperación del orden perdido mediante la restauración de los Borbones va a ser el instrumento del que los realistas se valdrán para negar la magnitud de los cambios vividos durante aquellos años. El presente artículo intenta explicar la importancia que tuvo la construcción del mito de la restauración para sustentar el golpe contrarrevolucionario de mayo de 1814.

Semiotic Vision of Ideologies

A semiotic theory of systems derived from language would have the purpose of classifying all the systems of linguistic expression: philosophy, ideology, myth, poetry, art, as much as the dream, lapsus, and free association in a pluridimensional matrix that will interact with many diversified fields. In each one of these discourses it is necessary to consider a plurality of questions, the essence of which will only be comprehensible by the totality; it will be necessary to ask, in the first place, what will be the purpose of this language, what function does it fulfill and for which reason has it been constructed. The concept of World vision (WV) is introduced and its relation with Generalized Collective Conscience (GCC) and Particularized Collective Conscience. Culture implies a particular WV. Culture creates GCC. The semantic field is a structure that formalizes the units of a certain culture constituting a portion of the vision of the Reality that owns this culture. An ecological case is explained.

Culture and World Vision: The Cognitive Mythical Mode

Culture is the system of knowledge, from whose meanings the human being screened and selected their understanding of Reality in the broad sense, and interprets and regulates the facts and data of social behavior. In this sense, culture is a program for social action and acting in humans during the process of socialization and social interaction. The meanings of each culture are the cumulative product of collective and individual thinking, in ecological economic, social and political specific situations, so are the expression of each particular cultural historical conjuncture. Moreover, the universal cognitive structure for the apprehension of cultural reality is the World Vision (WV). Due to its importance and significance as substratum of religious and political belief systems, we will gird our study to mythical cognitive mode or mythical WV.

Ideological systems and its validation: a neutrosophic approach

Ideologies face two critical problems in the reality, the problem of commitment and the problem of validation. Commitment and validation are two separate phenomena, in spite of the near universal myth that the human is committed because his beliefs are valid. Ideologies not only seem external and valid but also worth whatever discomforts believing entails. In this paper the authors develop a theory of social commitment and social validation using concepts of validation of neutrosophic logic.

Luz e sombra em mensagem de Fernando Pessoa

A Mensagem de Fernando Pessoa é uma obra marcada por uma forte riqueza simbólica e com inesgotáveis potencialidades interpretativas. Neste caso, analisou-se o contraste luz/sombra, considerando- se que o Quinto Império é anunciado como teatro do dia claro e o sebastianismo que percorre a obra é mistério e nevoeiro. Observado o valor simbólico que pode ser atribuído a estes termos e analisadas as ocorrências de vocábulos que remetem para eles, concluiu-se que existe um elevado número de ocorrências de vocábulos associados à luz e que esta se relaciona com o heroísmo, o conhecimento e o Quinto Império. A sombra que atravessa a obra remete para o desconhecido, o perigo e, também, para o que, estando oculto, pode ser desvendado. Associa-se, deste modo, ao mito sebástico.

Representações de suicidas míticos na cerâmica grega: séculos VII-IV A.C.

Com a presente dissertação temos por objectivo problematizar, através da iconografia, as representações de suicidas míticos na cerâmica grega (séculos VII-IV a.C.). O corpus da pesquisa é constituído por 40 vasos com imagens de onze figuras mitológicas: Ájax, Alceste, Antígona, Ariadne, Cassandra, Fedra, Ifigénia, Macária, Medeia, Orestes e Políxena. Das 40 imagens analisadas, três são do séc. VII a.C., cinco do séc. VI a.C., onze do séc. V a.C. e 21 do séc. IV a.C. A dissertação é dividida em onze capítulos, um para cada figura mitológica, nos quais debateremos as fontes, a evolução do mito e a iconografia associada.

European Union-Latin American relations in a turbulant era. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 12, Special December 2012

From the Introduction. The mere mentioning of “the Trans-Atlantic Relationship” generates a standard interpretation. Customary understanding claims that it is supposed to deal with the links between Europe and the United States (moderately expanded to include Canada, a country taken for granted). This is a view shared both in Brussels and Washington. This geographical concept very rarely refers to include the role of Mexico, for example. This “relationship” is never understood as triangular, formed by three partners (United States/Canada, Europe and Latin America/Caribbean). A quadrangular format, including Africa, is contemplated only in a bilateral sense (usually when one of the important partners (the United States or Europe) is considered as a protagonist. In sum, “Atlantis” (as an entity shared by all) is as mysterious and difficult to grasp as the myth of antiquity, as a problem that this volume surely tries to grasp and analysis.

Qui utilise 10% de son cerveau?

Ce texte examine la croyance largement répandue selon laquelle les humains n'utiliseraient que 10 % de leur cerveau. Le texte comprend quatre parties. Les deux premières parties évaluent l'ampleur du «mythe du 10 %» et en retracent les origines. La troisième partie montre que cette croyance n'est nullement justifiée en passant successivement en revue les connaissances concernant l'anatomie et la physiologie du cerveau, la plasticité cérébrale ainsi que des données sur l'évolution. La dernière partie évoque quelques raisons de la persistance du mythe du 10 %.

La québécité dans le théâtre contemporain Mythanalyse de Scotstown, Yukonstyle et Félicité

Ce mémoire aborde trois oeuvres du théâtre québécois contemporain, Scotstown de Fabien Cloutier, Yukonstyle de Sarah Berthiaume et Félicité d’Olivier Choinière dans le but de les comparer. Cette comparaison doit alimenter une réflexion sur le concept de québécité, que le présent mémoire définit comme la mise en place d’un traitement de l’identité qui encourage le développement d’une certaine ambivalence identitaire. En stipulant que les discours identitaires sont empreints de ce que Gérard Bouchard appelle les mythes sociaux, ce mémoire analyse le corpus proposé pour en extraire les parts rationnelles de ces mythes, mais aussi les parts émotionnelles, qui agissent comme fondation de l’identité au même titre que la raison. Ce faisant, ce mémoire a pour ambition de déplacer une perception de la québécité ancrée dans une tradition historique et politique influencée par le nationalisme pour ramener ce concept vers une définition plus large, mais aussi plus polysémique pour interpréter l’histoire de la dramaturgie québécoise, qui entretient depuis la Révolution tranquille un rapport ironiquement ambivalent à l’égard des discours identitaires.

Big business in Belarus - its genesis, conditions and prospects. OSW Commentary No. 113, 2013-09-09

Over the past ten to twenty years, Belarus has seen a steep rise in the number of local dollar millionaires. This has somewhat undermined the myth of an egalitarian model of society promoted through the Belarusian state propaganda. There is a small group of businessmen among the top earners who, in exchange for their political loyalty and their consent to share profits with those in power, have enjoyed a number of privileges that allow them to safely conduct business in an environment typically hostile to private enterprise. The favourable conditions under which they are operating have enabled them not only to accumulate substantial capital, but also to invest it abroad. However, since such businesses are seen as providing a financial safety net for the regime, in 2011 and 2012 some of their directors received an EU travel ban, while their companies were subjected to economic sanctions by Brussels. At the same time, fearing that Belarus’s big business could become powerful enough to influence the country’s political scene (as has been the case in Russia and Ukraine), Alexander Lukashenka has actively prevented such players from becoming too independent. Consequently, Belarus has so far not developed its own elite class of oligarchs who would be able to actively influence government policy. The current informal agreement between the government in Minsk and big business has proved stable and is unlikely to change in the near future. Nonetheless, a reordering of state power giving Belarus’s big business significant political influence would be possible should Mr Lukashenka lose power in the next presidential election.

British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part III: More reform than renegotiation or repatriation. EPIN [Working] Paper No. 42/December 2014. [see Abstract for I and II]

This paper, the third in a series for a CEPS project on the ‘The British Question’, is pegged on an ambitious exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union on the basis of evidence submitted by independent stakeholders. The reviews considered in this paper cover the following EU policies: the single market for services, financial markets, the free movement of people, cohesion, energy, agriculture, fisheries, competition, social and employment policies, and fundamental rights. The declared objective of Prime Minister Cameron is to secure a ‘new settlement’ between the UK and the EU. From political speeches in the UK one can identify three different types of possible demand: reform of EU policies, renegotiation of the UK’s specific terms of membership, and repatriation of competences from the EU back to the member states. As most of the reviews are now complete, three points are becoming increasingly clear: i) The reform agenda – past, present or future - concerns virtually every branch of EU policy, including several cases reviewed here that are central to stated UK economic interests. The argument that the EU is ‘unreformable’ is shown to be a myth. ii) The highly sensitive cases of immigration from the EU and social policies may translate into requests for renegotiation of specific conditions for the UK, but further large-scale opt-outs, as in the case of the euro and justice and home affairs, are implausible. iii) While demands for repatriation of EU competences are voiced in general terms in public debate in the UK, no specific proposals emerge from the evidence as regards competences at the level at which they are identified in the treaties, and there is no chance of achieving consensus for such ideas among member states. Michael Emerson and Steven Blockmans, “British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part I: ‘Competences about right, so far’”, CEPS/EPIN Working Paper No. 35, October 2013 (www.ceps.eu/book/british-balance-competence-reviews-part-i-%E2%80%98competences-about-right-so-far%E2%80%99)(http://aei.pitt.edu/45599/); Michael Emerson, Steven Blockmans, Steve Peers and Michael Wriglesworth, “British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part II: Again, a huge contradiction between the evidence and Eurosceptic populism”, CEPS/EPIN Working Paper No. 40, June 2014 (www.ceps.eu/book/british-balance-competence-reviews-part-ii-again-huge-contradiction-between-evidence-and-eurosc)(http://aei.pitt.edu/52452/).

Imperial legacy? The EU's Developmental Model and the Crisis of the European Periphery. CES Papers - Open Forum #19, 2013-2014

The high hopes for rapid convergence of Eastern and Southern EU member states are increasingly being disappointed. With the onset of the Eurocrisis convergence has given way to divergence in the southern members, and many Eastern members have made little headway in closing the development gap. The EU´s performance compares unfavourably with East Asian success cases as well as with Western Europe´s own rapid catch-up to the USA after 1945. Historical experience indicates that successful catch up requires that less-developed economies to some extent are allowed to free-ride on an open international economic order. However, the EU´s model is based on the principle of a level-playing field, which militates against such a form of economic integration. The EU´s developmental model thus contrasts with the various strategies that have enabled successful catch up of industrial latecomers. Instead the EU´s current approach is more and more reminiscent of the relations between the pre-1945 European empires and their dependent territories. One reason for this unfortunate historical continuity is that the EU appears to have become entangled in its own myths. In the EU´s own interpretation, European integration is a peace project designed to overcome the almost continuous warfare that characterised the Westphalian system. As the sovereign state is identified as the root cause of all evil, any project to curtail its room of manoeuvre must ultimately benefit the common good. Yet, the existence of a Westphalian system of nation states is a myth. Empires and not states were the dominant actors in the international system for at least the last three centuries. If anything, the dawn of the age of the sovereign state in Western Europe occurred after 1945 with the disintegration of the colonial empires and thus historically coincided with the birth of European integration.