Party servants, ideologues or regional representatives? The German Länder and the reform of federalism

This article considers recent attempts to reform German federalism, the failed 2004 reform, and the reforms agreed in 2006 and 2009. It compares partisan, ideological and territorial factors which contribute to an understanding of reform, finding that all three have a role in explaining actors’ views of reform proposals. Two other claims are developed: that in some aspects of the reforms, a division between ‘generalist’ and ‘subject specialist’ politicians became apparent; and that a decisive change between 2004 and 2006 was the formation of a grand coalition at a federal level, which paved the way for agreement upon reform proposals.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn's implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

Hungary's U-Turn

For two decades Hungary, like the other Eastern European countries, followed a general policy of establishing and strengthening the institutions of democracy, rule of law, and a market economy based on private property. However, since the elections of 2010, when Viktor Orbán's Fidesz party came to power, Hungary has made a dramatic U-turn. This article investigates the different spheres of society: political institutions, the rule of law, and the influence of state and market on one another, as well as the world of ideology (education, science and art), and describes the U-turn’s implications for these fields and the effect it has on the life of people. It argues against the frequent misunderstandings in the interpretation and evaluation of the Hungarian situation, pointing out some typical intellectual fallacies. It draws attention to the dangers of strengthening nationalism, and to the ambivalence evident in Hungarian foreign policy, and looks into the relationship between Hungary and the Western world, particularly the European Union. Finally, it outlines the possible scenarios resulting from future developments in the Hungarian situation.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied-- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton--are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy--executive orders--redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress. ^

The economic well -being of low -income immigrants in the U.S.: An examination of the impact of the 1996 welfare reform on immigrants

The 1996 welfare reform, for the first time in U.S. history, set a five-year residence requirement for immigrants to be eligible for federal welfare benefits. This dissertation assessed the impact of the 1996 welfare reform, specifically the immigrant provisions, on the economic well-being of low-income immigrants. This dissertation also explored the roles that migration selection theory and social capital theory play in the economic well-being of low-income immigrants. ^ This dissertation was based on an analysis of the March 1995, March 2002, and March 2006 Annual Demographic Supplement Files of the Current Population Survey (CPS). Both logistic regression and multiple regression were used to analyze economic well-being, comparing low-income immigrants with low-income citizens. Economic well-being was measured in the current survey year and the year before on the following variables: employment status, full-time status (35 or more hours per week), the number of weeks worked, and the total annual wage or salary.^ The major findings reported in this dissertation were that low-income immigrants had advantages over low-income citizens in the labor market. This may be due to immigrants' stronger motivation to obtain success, consistent with migration selection theory. Also, this research suggested that immigrant provisions had not ameliorated employment outcomes of low-income immigrants as policymakers may have expected.^ The study also confirmed the role of social capital in advancing the economic well-being of qualified immigrants. Ultimately, this dissertation contributed to our understanding of low-income immigrants in the U.S. The study questioned the claim that immigrants are attracted to the U.S. by welfare benefits. This dissertation suggested that immigrants come to the U.S., to a large extent, to pursue the goal of upward mobility. Consequently, immigrants may employ greater initiative and work harder than native-born Americans.^

Ballots for Equality: An Approach to the Radical Tradition in U.S. Electoral Politics

Posing radical challenges to structural inequality is the defining quality of the Left. What role electoral politics might play in such processes is a dilemma of radical politics, the contours of which vary by historical and national contexts. For the U.S. Left there is a distinctive aspect of the dilemma directly related to the failure of a "Left" party of even the most moderate social democratic type to take root, creating a seemingly never ending debate over the value if any of "third party" progressive organizing. This debate is current, as illustrated by three divergent approaches; independent left electoral politics (Socialist Alternative), organizing within the less conservative of the dominant parties (Progressive Democrats of America), and a social movement focus outside the electoral process (Occupy Movement). The present day examples of alternative Left strategies noted here in passing are but three of many such specific organizational options for progressive politics. This article does not seek to advocate for any one of these options to the exclusion of the others but rather seeks to provide historical perspective.

The use of presidential executive orders to control the management and administration of the federal government

As long as governmental institutions have existed, efforts have been undertaken to reform them. This research examines a particular strategy, coercive controls, exercised through a particular instrument, executive orders, by a singular reformer, the president of the United States. The presidents studied- Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush, and Clinton-are those whose campaigns for office were characterized to varying degrees as against Washington bureaucracy and for executive reform. Executive order issuance is assessed through an examination of key factors for each president including political party affiliation, levels of political capital, and legislative experience. A classification typology is used to identify the topical dimensions and levels of coerciveness. The portrayal of the federal government is analyzed through examination of public, media, and presidential attention. The results show that executive orders are significant management tools for the president. Executive orders also represent an important component of the transition plans for incoming administrations. The findings indicate that overall, while executive orders have not increased in the aggregate, they are more intrusive and significant. When the factors of political party affiliation, political capital, and legislative experience are examined, it reveals a strong relationship between executive orders and previous executive experience, specifically presidents who served as a state governor prior to winning national election as president. Presidents Carter, Reagan, and Clinton (all former governors) have the highest percent of executive orders focusing on the federal bureaucracy. Additionally, the highest percent of forceful orders were issued by former governors (41.0%) as compared to their presidential counterparts who have not served as governors (19.9%). Secondly, political party affiliation is an important, but not significant, predictor for the use of executive orders. Thirdly, management strategies that provide the president with the greatest level of autonomy-executive orders redefine the concept of presidential power and autonomous action. Interviews of elite government officials and political observers support the idea that executive orders can provide the president with a successful management strategy, requiring less expenditure of political resources, less risk to political capital, and a way of achieving objectives without depending on an unresponsive Congress.

Petrologia e geocronologia U-Pb do plúton granítico Serra da Rajada, porção central do domínio Rio Piranhas - Seridó, Província Borborema, NE do Brasil

The ediacaran plutonic activity related to the Brasilian/Pan-African orogeny is one of the most important geological features in the Borborema Province, represented along its extension by numerous batholiths, stocks, and dikes.The object of this study, the Serra Rajada Granitic Pluton (SRGP), located in the central portion of the Piranhas-Seridó River Domain is an example of this activity. This pluton has been the subject of cartographic, petrographic, geochronological and lithogeochemical studies and its rocks were characterized by two facies. First, the granitic facies were described as monzogranites consisting of K-feldspar, plagioclase (oligoclase - An23-24%), quartz and biotite (main mafic) and opaque minerals such as titanite, allanite, apatite, and zircon as accessories. Alteration minerals are chlorite, white mica and carbonate. Second, the dioritic facies consist of rocks formed by quartz diorite containing plagioclase (dominant mineral phase), quartz and K-feldspar. Biotite and amphibole are the dominant mafic minerals; and titanite, opaque minerals, allanite, zircon and apatite are the accessories. However, previous geological mapping work in the region also identified the presence of other lithostratigraphic units. These were described as gneisses and migmatites with undifferentiated amphibolite lenses related to the Caicó Complex (Paleoproterozoic) and metasedimentary rocks of the Seridó Group (Neoproterozoic) composed of paragneiss with calc-silicate lenses, muscovite quartzite and biotite schist (respectively, the Jucurutu formations, Equador and Seridó), the host rocks for the SRGP rocks. Leucomicrogranite and pegmatite dikes have also been identified, both related to the end of the Ediacaran magmatism and colluvial- eluvial and alluvial deposits related to Neogene and Quaternary, respectively. Lithogeochemical data on the SRGP granite facies, highlighted quite evolved rocks (SiO2 69% to 75%), rich in alkalis (Na2O+K2O ≥ 8.0%), depleted of MgO (≤ 0.45%), CaO (≤ 1.42%) and TiO2 (≤ 0.36%) and moderate levels of Fe2O3t (2.16 to 3.53%). They display transitional nature between metaluminous and peraluminous (predominance of the latter) with sub-alkaline/monzonitic (High K calcium-alkali) affinity. Harker diagrams show negative correlations for Fe2O3t, MgO, and CaO, indicating mafic and plagioclase fractionation. REE spectrum shows enrichment of LREE relative to heavy REE (LaN/YbN = 23.70 to 10.13), with negative anomaly in the Eu (Eu/Eu* = 0.70 to 0.23), suggesting fractionation or accumulation in the feldspars source (plagioclase). Data integration allows to correlate the SRGP rocks with those described as Calcium-Alkaline Suite of equigranular High K. The crystallization conditions of the SRGP rocks were determined from the integration of petrographic and lithogeochemical data. These data indicated intermediate to high conditions of ƒO2 (mineral paragenesis titanite + magnetite + quartz), parent magma saturated in H2O (early biotite crystallization), tardi-magmatic processes of fluids rich in ƒCO2, H2O and O2 causing part of the mineral assembly to change (plagioclase carbonation and saussuritization, biotite chloritization and opaques Sphenitization). Thermobarometrical conditions were estimated based on geochemical parameters (Zr and P2O5) and CIPW normative minerals, with results showing the liquidus minimum temperature of about800°C and the solidus temperature of approximately 700°C. The final/minimum crystallization pressure are suggested to be between 3 and 5 Kbar. The presence of zoned minerals (plagioclase and allanite) associated with lithogeochemical data in bi-log diagrams for Rb vs. Ba and Rb vs. Sr suggest the role of fractional crystallization as the dominant process in the magmatic evolution of SRGP. U-Pb Geochronological and Sm-Nd isotope studies indicated, respectively, the crystallization age of biotite monzogranite as 557 ± 13 Ma, with TDM model age of 2.36 Ga, and εNd value of -20.10 to the crystallization age, allowing to infer paleoproterozoic crustal source for the magma.

Petrologia e geocronologia U-Pb do plúton granítico Serra da Rajada, porção central do domínio Rio Piranhas - Seridó, Província Borborema, NE do Brasil

The ediacaran plutonic activity related to the Brasilian/Pan-African orogeny is one of the most important geological features in the Borborema Province, represented along its extension by numerous batholiths, stocks, and dikes.The object of this study, the Serra Rajada Granitic Pluton (SRGP), located in the central portion of the Piranhas-Seridó River Domain is an example of this activity. This pluton has been the subject of cartographic, petrographic, geochronological and lithogeochemical studies and its rocks were characterized by two facies. First, the granitic facies were described as monzogranites consisting of K-feldspar, plagioclase (oligoclase - An23-24%), quartz and biotite (main mafic) and opaque minerals such as titanite, allanite, apatite, and zircon as accessories. Alteration minerals are chlorite, white mica and carbonate. Second, the dioritic facies consist of rocks formed by quartz diorite containing plagioclase (dominant mineral phase), quartz and K-feldspar. Biotite and amphibole are the dominant mafic minerals; and titanite, opaque minerals, allanite, zircon and apatite are the accessories. However, previous geological mapping work in the region also identified the presence of other lithostratigraphic units. These were described as gneisses and migmatites with undifferentiated amphibolite lenses related to the Caicó Complex (Paleoproterozoic) and metasedimentary rocks of the Seridó Group (Neoproterozoic) composed of paragneiss with calc-silicate lenses, muscovite quartzite and biotite schist (respectively, the Jucurutu formations, Equador and Seridó), the host rocks for the SRGP rocks. Leucomicrogranite and pegmatite dikes have also been identified, both related to the end of the Ediacaran magmatism and colluvial- eluvial and alluvial deposits related to Neogene and Quaternary, respectively. Lithogeochemical data on the SRGP granite facies, highlighted quite evolved rocks (SiO2 69% to 75%), rich in alkalis (Na2O+K2O ≥ 8.0%), depleted of MgO (≤ 0.45%), CaO (≤ 1.42%) and TiO2 (≤ 0.36%) and moderate levels of Fe2O3t (2.16 to 3.53%). They display transitional nature between metaluminous and peraluminous (predominance of the latter) with sub-alkaline/monzonitic (High K calcium-alkali) affinity. Harker diagrams show negative correlations for Fe2O3t, MgO, and CaO, indicating mafic and plagioclase fractionation. REE spectrum shows enrichment of LREE relative to heavy REE (LaN/YbN = 23.70 to 10.13), with negative anomaly in the Eu (Eu/Eu* = 0.70 to 0.23), suggesting fractionation or accumulation in the feldspars source (plagioclase). Data integration allows to correlate the SRGP rocks with those described as Calcium-Alkaline Suite of equigranular High K. The crystallization conditions of the SRGP rocks were determined from the integration of petrographic and lithogeochemical data. These data indicated intermediate to high conditions of ƒO2 (mineral paragenesis titanite + magnetite + quartz), parent magma saturated in H2O (early biotite crystallization), tardi-magmatic processes of fluids rich in ƒCO2, H2O and O2 causing part of the mineral assembly to change (plagioclase carbonation and saussuritization, biotite chloritization and opaques Sphenitization). Thermobarometrical conditions were estimated based on geochemical parameters (Zr and P2O5) and CIPW normative minerals, with results showing the liquidus minimum temperature of about800°C and the solidus temperature of approximately 700°C. The final/minimum crystallization pressure are suggested to be between 3 and 5 Kbar. The presence of zoned minerals (plagioclase and allanite) associated with lithogeochemical data in bi-log diagrams for Rb vs. Ba and Rb vs. Sr suggest the role of fractional crystallization as the dominant process in the magmatic evolution of SRGP. U-Pb Geochronological and Sm-Nd isotope studies indicated, respectively, the crystallization age of biotite monzogranite as 557 ± 13 Ma, with TDM model age of 2.36 Ga, and εNd value of -20.10 to the crystallization age, allowing to infer paleoproterozoic crustal source for the magma.

State Political Parties in American Politics: Innovation and Integration in the Party System

What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.

In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.

Hotel Profit Implications from Rising Wages and Inflation in the U.S.

Macroeconomic models based on the Phillips Curve predict that as the unemployment rate declines toward the long-run, natural rate, the pace of wage and price growth accelerates and inflation rises.1 In this paper I analyze the profitability prospects for the U.S. hotel industry in today’s relatively volatile economic environment, keeping in mind the Phillips Curve’s general principle that inflation and employment have an inverse, but relatively stable short-term relationship. Although employment and economic growth in the U.S. have been uneven in recent months, the unemployment rate has declined to less than 5 percent, which many economists believe is close to the natural rate. Growth in wages and salaries, as measured by the Employment Cost Index, has concurrently been moving upward between 2.5 and 3.0 percent during the past 12 months. At the same time, general inflation remains below levels that might typically be expected this late in the cycle, although core inflation is bumping up against the Federal Reserve’s 2-percent target. If the inflation rate continues to move upward as predicted by Phillips Curve models (and encouraged by the Federal Reserve), rising labor costs and other expenses will exert downward pressure on U.S. business profits. Backward movement up the Phillips Curve (with greater inflation) coincides with an expanding economy. In that scenario, prices of goods and services also will rise in real terms if their supply cannot keep up with demand, and producers have the ability to raise prices (absent fixed-price contracts such as leases).

“Never Give up:” The Strengths and Strategies Used Among Undocumented College Students From Central America to Access and Persist in U.S. Higher Education

The purpose of this study was to identify the strengths and strategies that undocumented college students from Central America used to access and persist in United States higher education. A multiple-case study design was used to conduct in-depth, semi-structured interviews and document collection from ten persons residing in Illinois, Maryland, Ohio, Texas, and Washington. Yosso’s (2005, 2006) community cultural wealth conceptual framework, an analytical and methodological tool, was used to uncover assets used to navigate the higher education system. The findings revealed that participants activated all forms of capital, with cultural capital being the least activated yet necessary, to access and persist in college. Participants also activated most forms of capital together or consecutively in order to attain financial resources, information and social networks that facilitated college access. Participants successfully persisted because they continued to activate forms of capital, displayed a high sense of agency, and managed to sustain college educational goals despite challenges and other external factors. The relationships among forms of capital and federal, state, and institutional policy contexts, which positively influenced both college access and persistence were not illustrated in Yosso’s (2005, 2006) community cultural wealth framework. Therefore, this study presents a modified community cultural wealth framework, which includes these intersections and contexts. In the spirit of Latina/o critical race theory (LatCrit) and critical race theory (CRT), the participants share with other undocumented students suggestions on how to succeed in college. This study can contribute to the growing research of undocumented college students, and develop higher education policy and practice that intentionally consider undocumented college students’ strengths to successfully navigate the institution.

Occupational safety and health for the Federal employee

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Federal Crop Insurance Program Expands in 2016 and 2017 to Cover More Organic Crops

Organic agriculture represents one of the fastest growing segments of U.S. agriculture (USDA-RMA). With this in mind, the USDA’s Risk Management Agency (RMA) continues to expand crop insurance options for organic growers. In 2016 and 2017, organic producers in Maryland will see additional crops with organic crop insurance options. Increasing crop insurance options will allow this segment of producers new opportunities to manage their risks.