Eleições, mídia e memória: uma análise do jornal Folha de S. Paulo

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Molar incisor hypomineralization (MIH): conservative treatment management to restore affected teeth

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the 12-month clinical performance of glass ionomer restorations in teeth with MIH. First permanent molars affected by MIH (48) were restored with glass ionomer cement (GIC) and evaluated at baseline, at 6 and at 12 months, by assessing tooth enamel breakdown, GIC breakdown and caries lesion associations. The data were analyzed using the chi-square test and actuarial survival analysis. The likelihood of a restored tooth remaining unchanged at the end of 12 months was 78%. No statistically significant difference was observed in the association between increased MIH severity and caries at baseline (p > 0.05) for a 6-month period, or between increased MIH severity and previous unsatisfactory treatment at baseline (p > 0.05) for both a 6- and 12-month period. A statistically significant difference was observed in the association between increased MIH severity and extension of the restoration, involving 2 or more surfaces (p < 0.05) at both periods, and between increased MIH severity and caries at baseline (p < 0.05) at a 12-month period. Because the likelihood of maintaining the tooth structures with GIC restorations is high, invasive treatment should be postponed until the child is sufficiently mature to cooperate with the treatment, mainly of teeth affected on just one face.

Religião, política e eleições na Folha Universal

The Folha Universal, newspaper produced by the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (Iurd, abbreviation in Portuguese for Universal Church of the Kingdom of God), reaches an average weekly circulation from 2.5 to 3.5 million copies. Studies indicate that the Folha Universal is not merely an institutional newspaper. It is systematically dedicated to be a source of political information to their readers, in order to publicize candidates and politicians who defend the Iurd’s proposals for the Brazilian public life. This paper describes results of an empirical study on the frames built by the Folha Universal about the social demands, economic and political governance considered as priorities to the public management by the Iurd around five themes of analysis: public safety; children and adolescents care; public health; environment; politics and economy. The results indicate that, as characteristics of the Folha Universal in the four months prior to the 2010 Brazilian elections, aspects that differ from those indicated by previous studies on the newspaper. Previously detected in the pages of Folha Universal as a mean for finding solutions to social problems, the theology of prosperity was in our sample replaced by the formulation of public policies.

Inclusão e cidadania digital no Brasil: a (des) articulação das políticas públicas

The incipient but quickly expansion action on the Information and Communications Technologies (ICT) in Africa it is now just having different impact on these societies. One of these relates bear on how users are identified with these tools. Just like that we find individuals identify as bloggers, twitter followers or cyber activist. This contribution analyzes the Senegal’s fact where a successful use of social nets and web 2.0 tools experience (at least in repercussion) as social and political involvement while presidential elections in 2012 is tied to come back an identity: Cyber activist. Senegalese circumstance shows us how this identity has a personal and assertiveness dimension as well collective aspects of belonging to a community. One as much as the other, show us personal traits in contrast to previous beliefs, basically because it fuse and confuse virtual and reality. Due to dynamics from expanding technology, this identity is youthful and urban, but not only. This situation creates new dynamics at least in this affected group. For this reason, besides knowing emergence and evolution of this fact, it raises some of the involvement in social and political involvement from groups traditionally “invisible”. Beyond the new social behavior there are new changes in the rules of the game in order to start new social revolution.

O sistema político, partidário e eleitoral da República de Malta

This work is a study which deals with political, electoral and party features from the Republic of Malta. An interest that motivated the study is to understand how works the consolidated two-party system in the country, the cleavages which foster that features and the Maltese media groups alignment process to those prevailing political parties. Our goal is to identify the main factors which creates and maintain those features of a two-party model in Malta, and how much it overlaps the political and electoral models applied in the country. The analysis is mostly literature, also backing up data about the nation, on elections and political parties which allow enough stability for analysis and enables us an approach about the actual facts. The survey data and literature available is mainly in English, by the lack of academic papers on Malta in Brazilian Portuguese. Therefore, this work contributes as a small panorama of the Maltese political reality, which can serve as a point of comparison and reflection on other countries' realities, with a sharp bipolar political trend, strong social entrenchment of political parties, and media groups aligned to those

As percepções dos jovens estudantes de Londrina/PR sobre política

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

As coalizões de defesa e as mudanças na política externa comercial e energética dos Estados Unidos para o etanol em 2011

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Lean diesel technology and human health: a case study in six Brazilian metropolitan regions

OBJECTIVE: Due to their toxicity, diesel emissions have been submitted to progressively more restrictive regulations in developed countries. However, in Brazil, the implementation of the Cleaner Diesel Technologies policy (Euro IV standards for vehicles produced in 2009 and low-sulfur diesel with 50 ppm of sulfur) was postponed until 2012 without a comprehensive analysis of the effect of this delay on public health parameters. We aimed to evaluate the impact of the delay in implementing the Cleaner Diesel Technologies policy on health indicators and monetary health costs in Brazil. METHODS: The primary estimator of exposure to air pollution was the concentration of ambient fine particulate matter (particles with aerodynamic diameters, <2.5 mu m, [PM2.5]). This parameter was measured daily in six Brazilian metropolitan areas during 2007-2008. We calculated 1) the projected reduction in the PM2.5 that would have been achieved if the Euro IV standards had been implemented in 2009 and 2) the expected reduction after implementation in 2012. The difference between these two time curves was transformed into health outcomes using previous dose-response curves. The economic valuation was performed based on the DALY (disability-adjusted life years) method. RESULTS: The delay in implementing the Cleaner Diesel Technologies policy will result in an estimated excess of 13,984 deaths up to 2040. Health expenditures are projected to be increased by nearly US$ 11.5 billion for the same period. CONCLUSIONS: The present results indicate that a significant health burden will occur because of the postponement in implementing the Cleaner Diesel Technologies policy. These results also reinforce the concept that health effects must be considered when revising fuel and emission policies.

Surgical treatment of globe subluxation in the active phase of the myogenic type of Graves orbitopathy: case reports

The purpose of the present article is to present and discuss two cases of globe subluxation in the active phase of myogenic Graves' orbitopathy and to evaluate the prevalence of this phenomenon. Two patients with the myogenic variant of Graves' orbitopathy that had being treated with oral and intravenous steroid pulses developed globe subluxation. Both had to have urgent eyelid and orbital decompression. After these observations, we reviewed the medical records of a sample of 284 patients (482 orbits) who had had orbital decompression at our Institution from 1992 to 2010, with a search for cases presenting severe proptosis or globe subluxation in the active phase of myogenic Graves' orbitopathy. No patient had to have decompression for globe subluxation in the active phase of Graves' orbitopathy. The prevalence of this event as an indication for surgery in the myogenic variant of Graves' orbitopathy was therefore 0.7% (2/284) or even less. The combination of lowering the upper eyelid and orbital decompression had a dramatic therapeutic effect on these patients despite the presence of intense inflammatory signs in the orbits. In conclusion, patients affected with the myogenic variant of Graves' orbitopathy may develop globe subluxation. Urgent surgical treatments should not be postponed despite the presence of active inflammation.

Somente um deve vencer: as bases de recrutamento dos candidatos à Prefeitura das capitais brasileiras em 2008

Não é segredo para os estudiosos e é reconhecido pelos atores envolvidos no jogo político que o Prefeito desempenha importantes atividades, podendo influenciar o dia-a-dia da população, a relação com outras esferas de governo e as eleições gerais. Tomando como universo empírico os candidatos ao cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras em 2008, procuramos identificar e analisar as bases de recrutamento desses concorrentes ao principal posto político do município. As interpretações correntes na literatura concentram-se sobre os vencedores da disputa eleitoral, deixando de lado os derrotados. O que os vencedores têm que os derrotados não têm? Seria o perfil dos vencedores diferente daquele encontrado no grupo dos derrotados? Com o propósito de oferecer uma contribuição aos estudos das bases de recrutamento dos membros pertencentes às elites locais, o texto está organizado em uma única seção, onde vamos discutir três dimensões: (i) gênero, faixa etária e naturalidade; (ii) nível de instrução, grupo profissional e mandato executivo e (iii) gastos com campanha e tamanho do patrimônio. Essas características podem ajudar a construir um perfil sociopolítico dos membros pertencentes aos grupos dos vencedores e dos derrotados nas eleições municipais de 2008 para o cargo de Prefeito das capitais brasileiras. Além disso, o estudo desses atributos pode indicar quais predominaram na disputa eleitoral, isto é, quais deles podem mostrar as características que circundam o processo seletivo dos integrantes do distinto grupo político.

Financiamento eleitoral, representação política e gênero: uma análise das eleições de 2006

Este artigo compara a arrecadação de campanha de mulheres e homens candidatos aos cargos de deputados federal e estadual no pleito de 2006, no Brasil. Com base em análise de dados desagregados por sexo a partir do banco estatístico do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral foi considerado se mulheres e homens têm arrecadações distintas de financiamento de campanha, e em que medida este pode constituir-se em um fator explicativo para o baixo desempenho eleitoral delas. Os dados evidenciam que as mulheres têm arrecadações de campanha significativamente menores que a dos homens, e que dada a alta correlação existente entre financiamento e sucesso eleitoral, este pode ser um dos elementos centrais para explicar o seu baixo desempenho eleitoral.

Ensino superior e voto: análise do comportamento eleitoral da comunidade uspiana em 2010

O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar os resultados de uma pesquisa eleitoral realizada nos Campi da USP-Capital pelo Centro de Estudos das Negociações Internacionais (CAENI) e pelo Instituto Júnior de Pesquisas Sociais (IJPS) durante o período de campanha do segundo turno da eleição presidencial de 2010. Discutimos o processo de amostragem e a implicação de pesquisar sobre um universo de pessoas mais escolarizadas e jovens do que a população total. Mostraremos que é mais fácil isolar um comportamento prospectivo nessas condições do que em uma amostra onde o universo é a população de eleitores inteira do país.

Democracy Reconsidered : Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.

Territorio, participación ciudadana y nivel de confianza en las instituciones oficiales

[ES] Canarias es una de las regiones españolas que registra mayores niveles de abstención en las diferentes consultas electorales. Este comportamiento puede explicarse por razones de diverso tipo, pero sin duda, la falta de confianza en los cargos públicos electos y en las instituciones es uno de los factores de mayor peso. Con este fin, en la presente comunicación se expone resumidamente una reciente experiencia realizada en Canarias por el Grupo de Investigación en Geografía Social y Económica de la ULPGC consistente en situar las diferentes respuestas que dio una muestra de ciudadanos residentes en las Islas a una encuesta de opinión confeccionada al efecto sobre el grado de confianza que le inspiran las instituciones oficiales. A su vez, los opinantes fueron desagregados por islas, comarcas y municipios, poniéndose en evidencia la enorme pluralidad y complejidad que es capaz de albergar una sociedad moderna como la canaria. 

Essays on the political economy of European integration

Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.