975 resultados para Bush


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The objective of Integrated Care Pathways for Airway Diseases (AIRWAYS-ICPs) is to launch a collaboration to develop multi-sectoral care pathways for chronic respiratory diseases in European countries and regions. AIRWAYS-ICPs has strategic relevance to the European Union Health Strategy and will add value to existing public health knowledge by: 1) proposing a common framework of care pathways for chronic respiratory diseases, which will facilitate comparability and trans-national initiatives; 2) informing cost-effective policy development, strengthening in particular those on smoking and environmental exposure; 3) aiding risk stratification in chronic disease patients, using a common strategy; 4) having a significant impact on the health of citizens in the short term (reduction of morbidity, improvement of education in children and of work in adults) and in the long-term (healthy ageing); 5) proposing a common simulation tool to assist physicians; and 6) ultimately reducing the healthcare burden (emergency visits, avoidable hospitalisations, disability and costs) while improving quality of life. In the longer term, the incidence of disease may be reduced by innovative prevention strategies. AIRWAYSICPs was initiated by Area 5 of the Action Plan B3 of the European Innovation Partnership on Active and Healthy Ageing. All stakeholders are involved (health and social care, patients, and policy makers).




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Although survival has improved significantly in recent years, prematurity remains a major cause of infant and childhood mortality and morbidity. Preterm births (<37 weeks of gestation) account for 8% of live births representing >50 000 live births each year in the UK. Preterm birth, irrespective of whether babies require neonatal intensive care, is associated with increased respiratory symptoms, partially reversible airflow obstruction and abnormal thoracic imaging in childhood and in young adulthood compared with those born at term. Having failed to reach their optimal peak lung function in early adulthood, there are as yet unsubstantiated concerns of accelerated lung function decline especially if exposed to noxious substances leading to chronic respiratory illness; even if the rate of decline in lung function is normal, the threshold for respiratory symptoms will be crossed early. Few adult respiratory physicians enquire about the neonatal period in their clinical practice. The management of these subjects in adulthood is largely evidence free. They are often labelled as asthmatic although the underlying mechanisms are likely to be very different. Smoking cessation, maintaining physical fitness, annual influenza immunisation and a general healthy lifestyle should be endorsed irrespective of any symptoms. There are a number of clinical and research priorities to maximise the quality of life and lung health in the longer term not least understanding the underlying mechanisms and optimising treatment, rather than extrapolating from other airway diseases.

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The selective catalytic reduction (SCR) of NOx in the presence of different reducing agents over Ag/Al2O3 prepared by wet impregnation was investigated by probing catalyst activity and using NMR relaxation time analysis to probe the strength of surface interaction of the various reducing agent species and water. The results reveal that the strength of surface interaction of the reducing agent relative to water, the latter present in engine exhausts as a fuel combustion product and, in addition, produced during the SCR reaction, plays an important role in determining catalyst performance. Reducing agents with weak strength of interaction with the catalyst surface, such as hydrocarbons, show poorer catalytic performance than reducing agents with a higher strength of interaction, such as alcohols. This is attributed to the greater ability of oxygenated species to compete with water in terms of surface interaction with the catalyst surface, hence reducing the inhibiting effect of water molecules blocking catalyst sites. The results support the observations of earlier work in that the light off-temperature and maximum NOx conversion and temperature at which that occurs are sensitive to the reducing agent present during reaction, and the proposal that improved catalyst performance is caused by increased adsorption strength of the reducing agent, relative to water, at the catalyst surface. Importantly, the NMR relaxation time analysis approach to characterising the strength of adsorption more readily describes the trends in catalytic behaviour than does a straightforward consideration of the polarity (i.e., relative permittivity) of the reducing agents studied here. In summary, this paper describes a simple approach to characterising the interaction energy of water and reducing agent so as to aid the selection of reducing agent and catalyst to be used in SCR conversions.

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US presidents have expanded executive power in times of war and emergency,sometimes aggressively so. This article builds on the application of punctuated equilibria theory by Burnham (1999 and Ackerman (1999). Underpinning this theory is the notion that rapid changes in - or external shocks to - domestic and international society impose new and insistent demands on the state. In so doing, they produce important and decisive moments of institutional mobilization and creativity, disrupt a pre-existing, relatively stable, equilibrium between the Congress and the president, and precipitate decisions or nondecisions by the electorate and political leaders that define the contours for action when the next crisis or external shock occurs. The article suggests that the combination of President George W. Bush's presidentialist doctrine, 9/11 and the 'war' on terror has consolidated a new, constitutional equilibrium. While some members of Congress contest the new order, the Congress collectively has acquiesced in its own marginalization. The article surveys a wide range of executive power assertions and legislative retreats. It argues that power assertions generally draw on precedent: on, for example, a tradition of wartime presidential extraconstitutional leadership extending to presidents, such as John Adams and Abraham Lincoln,as well as to Cold War and post-Cold War presidentialism.

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In democratic polities, constitutional equilibria or balances of power between the executive and the legislature shift over time. Normative and empirical political theorists have long recognised that war, civil unrest, economic and political crises, terrorist attacks, and other events strengthen the power of the executive, disrupt and threaten constitutional politics, and damage democratic institutions: crises require swift action and executives are thought to be more capable than parliaments and legislatures of taking such actions. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the ensuing so-called 'war on terror' declared by President Bush clearly constituted a crisis, not only in the United States but also in other political systems, in part because of the US's hegemonic position in defining and shaping many other states' foreign and domestic policies. Dicey, Schmitt, and Rossiter suggest that critical events and political crises inevitably trigger the concentration of (emergency) powers in the hands of the executive. Aristotle and Machiavelli questioned the inevitability of this process. This article and the articles that follow in this Special Issue utilise empirical evidence, through the use of case studies of the United States, the United Kingdom, Russia, Australia, Israel, Italy and Indonesia, to address this debate. Specifically, the issue explores to what extent the external shock or crisis of 9/11 (and other terrorist attacks) and the ensuing 'war on terror' significantly changed the balance of executive-legislative relations from t (before the crisis) to t+1 (after the crisis) in these political systems, all of which were the targets of actual or foiled terrorist attacks. The most significant findings are that the shock of 9/11 and the 'war on terror' elicited varied responses by national executives and legislatures/parliaments and thus the balance of executive-legislative relations in different political systems; that, therefore, executive-legislative relations are positive rather than zero-sum; and that domestic political contexts conditioned these institutional responses.

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Congressional dominance theory holds that not only can the US Congress control the executive, it does. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington on 11 September 2001 and the Bush administration's ensuing global 'war on terror' suggest a different result. Bush's response to 9/11 signalled not only new directions in US foreign and domestic policy but a new stage in the aggrandisement of presidential power in the United States and a further step in the marginalisation of the Congress. Informed by a constitutional doctrine unknown to the framers of the US Constitution, the Bush administration pursued a presidentialist or 'ultra-separationist' governing strategy that was disrespectful to the legislature's intended role in the separated system. Using its unilateral powers, in public and in secret, claiming 'inherent' authority from the Constitution, and exploiting the public's fear of a further terrorist attack and of endangering the lives of US troops abroad, the administration skilfully drove its legislation through the Congress. Occasionally, the Congress was able to extract concessions - notably in the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when partisan control of the government was split - but more typically, for most of the period, the Congress acquiesced to administration demands, albeit with the consolation of minor concessions. The administration not only dominated the lawmaking process, it also cowed legislators into legitimating often highly controversial (and sometimes illegal) administration-determined definitions of counter-terrorism and national security policy. Certainly, the Congress undertook a considerable amount of oversight during the period of the 'war on terror'; lawmakers also complained. But the effects on policy were marginal. This finding held true for periods of Democratic as well as Republican majorities.

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O fim da Guerra Fria e em particular os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro de 2001 foram importantes aceleradores de um constante (e já longo) processo de crescente securitização das fronteiras e migrações nos EUA, que por sua vez teve impacto na forma como as elites políticas norte-americanas conceberam a identidade nacional do país, ancorada na ideologia da excecionalidade da experiência e do destino americanos e associada a uma posição dirigente do país nos assuntos externos, o excecionalismo americano. As migrações internacionais são relevantes neste contexto porque expõem a tensão inerente entre a necessidade dos Estados-nação protegerem o seu território e a sua população e a impossibilidade fazer esse controlo de forma perfeita, em especial num mundo globalizado; e as dificuldades em manter uma identidade nacional homogénea quando se partilha a comunidade política com membros que à mesma são alheios/estrangeiros (imigrantes). Esta dissertação analisa as relações entre o excecionalismo americano como visão do mundo primacial para a conceção de identidade das elites políticas americanas e a crescente securitização das migrações no período pós-11 de Setembro de 2001, em especial até 2013. A análise empírica centra-se numa análise crítica do discurso (recorrendo à abordagem discursivo-histórica da Escola linguística de Viena) de textos com caráter discursivo criados pelos dois Presidentes (George W. Bush e Barack Obama) e utilizando-os como base para uma discussão acerca das formas como as narrativas securitizadoras foram justificadas pelos atores políticos norte-americanos e se o excecionalismo americano continua o paradigma através do qual essas elites veem o mundo e segundo o qual alinham as suas posições nos recorrentes debates públicos sobre as políticas de segurança e de imigração dos EUA. No fim da dissertação, concluir-se-á que a securitização das fronteiras e migrações foi e continua a ser justificada por narrativas excecionalistas, o que favorecerá a sua permanência e crescimento ao longo dos próximos anos. Ainda assim, a continuada existência de proponentes de visões alternativas à dominante e o carácter fluído do conceito de excecionalismo podem eventualmente permitir uma inversão de curso no futuro que favoreça o fortalecimento da liberdade e dos direitos cívicos nos EUA.

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This article aims to explain how newspapers commented on the movie Good Night, and Good Luck before its release. The media coverage anticipated George Clooney's film as a partisan attack launched against George W. Bush's policy since 9/11. Clooney advocates another reading: the historic confrontation between journalist Edward Murrow and Senator Joseph McCarty permits to reflect on the crucial role that the media play for democracy. Such reflection tries to prevent the dividing of the public sphere into antagonistic camps opposing "friends" to "foes," a division that undermines the possibility of a true pluralism. Our socio-semiotic analysis will focus on the critical work accomplished by the media, and on the way that work determines the collective meaning of a cultural object. Simultaneously, we will discuss the necessary conditions for pluralism in a public sphere.

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This thesis is intended to contribute to critical discussion of the American male hero in mainstream American war and action films post September 11, 2001 . The thesis investigates how these heroes' behaviour echoes a patriotic, conservative construction of the modern American as created through speeches given by George W. Bush in the wake of the events of September 11, 2001 . The thesis examines the hero in six primary sources: the war films We Were Soldiers, Behind Enemy Lines and The Great Raid and the action films Collateral Damage, Man on Fire and The Punisher. By analyzing the ideological subtext, political content, visual strategies and generic implications of the films, as well as the binary constructions of a selection of Bush speeches, and by reviewing historical representations of American male heroes on film produced in the wake of political events, the thesis concludes that the six films mobilize the USA's conservative viewpoint towards war and military action, and in concert with the speeches, contribute to an ongoing militarization of visual culture. Both systems echo a dangerous ideological fantasy of American history, life and patriotism.

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Reprint of the 1810 ed. printed by Samuel Wood, New York,

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Reprint of the 1810 ed. printed by Samuel Wood, New York, Reprinted by Ipswich By J. Bush, Tavern-Street

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Charles Larned (1791-1834) was a lawyer and American military officer who served during the War of 1812. He was the son of Simon Larned (1753-1817), who served as a captain in the Revolutionary War and was a member of the United States Congress from Massachusetts from 1804-1805. Charles studied law in the office of Henry Clay in Kentucky, and was dining with a group of prominent citizens when word was received that General William Henry Harrison could soon be overpowered by General Henry Proctor. Colonel Owen, a member of the group, organized a regiment to reinforce Harrison’s troops. Larned became a member and subsequently survived the River Raisin Massacre and was later present at the Battle of the Thames. He was also part of a group of men who learned of General William Hull’s plan to surrender Detroit to the British and planned to overtake him should this occur. However, the plan failed, Hull did surrender and the men became prisoners of the British. After the war, Larned became a lawyer, and served as Attorney General of Michigan Territory during the Black Hawk War. During the cholera epidemic of 1834, he worked tirelessly to assist others, but was stricken with the disease and died. Letter Transcription: Pittsfield, April 8, 1813 I think that by this time my dear Charles you will allow I have some reason to give you a gentle reprimand for breach of duty—but I will not censure you upon suspicion maybe you have substantial reasons—at any rate one cannot very graciously reproach the other for negligence I for one am healthy as ham & that we have so seldom exchanged letters during your absence & on my honor promise to be a better girl in future—but the truth is my Dear Charles I am secretary for the Family—Mama you know never writes & James but seldom & they are all dispersed in different directions, consequently I have many calls upon my time—this to be sure is a pleasant duty & I urge it only as a slight palliation for my remissness if you should consider it as such—now I have finished my preface—I will try to be more interesting & doubtless I succeed. Our dear Father we hope & trust is now in Green Bush, where he will probably remain a month perhaps & from thence he expects to go to Sacket’s harbor—at which place you know our troops are fast collecting-- We shall hope to see him either here or there before he goes. Brother George I believe is [still] at Plattsburgh but expects soon to be removed to some other military part perhaps with Papa (I hope so at least). We have just got letters from Brothers Sylvester & Joseph at Middlebury—they are in good health. Mama has for some weeks been afflicted with an inflammation in her eyes but seems now to be convalescing. Sister Martha has been somewhat unwell for a few weeks but is now tolerably recovered. James & myself are both in our usual good health & at this time seated by the same stand, one reading, the other writing. Thus my Dear Charles have I given you an abstract history of our Family—but here indeed is a wonderful omission; not a word about Miss Harriet Hunt, who in truth ought to have been noted first but the last she’s not the least in my memory. She is much grown since you saw her, but does not speak as fluently as we could wish—a few word she can say. Probably before this you have been informed of the great loss your friend Sherrill has sustained in the death of his mother—also of the revolution that has taken place in Hackbridge as it respects the religion & morality of the place that more than one hundred on the plain have become religious converts & c—indeed I am at a loss what to say that will afford your pleasure—a narrative at this time must be gloomy indeed. The distressing situation of our country at this time would make almost any recital melancholy. The prevailing epidemic has swept off many of your acquaintance no doubt. Mrs. Dewey of Williamstown, the sister of Mrs. Danforth, has left a Husband, Children & many Friends sincerely to lament her loss—some few have died in our village, but we have escaped astonishingly –it has raged in every town about us--If we are unwilling to acknowledge a God in his mercies. I fear she shall be compelled to do it in the awfulness of his judgments.--------I am much [pleased] with our new neighbors the Parsons Wife & a Miss Woodward her cousin is a fine girl, I think, Mrs. Allen has not a handsome face but something in her manner that interests one her person I think the handsomest I ever saw & the Parson seems well pleased with his selection—Mrs. Ripley is with them this winter & will probably remain thro the summer—Her husband at [Sackett’s Harbor] little or no alteration is apparent since her marriage—she seems as gay & fond of company as ever.-------Mrs. [McKnight] it is expected will commence housekeeping in about three weeks in the house formerly occupied by Mr…. [Report] says that Mr. Goodman & Clarissa Weller are soon to be married & many other things that I must omit to mention for Mama wants a… PS reserved--now my Dear Charles remember you are considerably… & I am confident you have as much leisure as I have –… be ceremonious but write whenever I find time not & I beg… the same – I tell James I shall not send his love for he must write himself. I shall anxiously expect you to write & do not disappoint your affectionate, sister--H One word my Dear Charles from your affectionate Mother who longs to see Her Dear son Charles—but being deprived of that rich blessing at present—begs Him so to conduct that she may hope for it ere long—do you search the Scriptures and keep the Sabbath holy unto the Lord—and all the sacred Commandments of God—it is my ardent desire…He would protect, support and provide for your soul and body and believe me your affectionate friend and Mother. R Larned.

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Letter Transcription: Pittsfield, April 8, 1813 I think that by this time my dear Charles you will allow I have some reason to give you a gentle reprimand for breach of duty—but I will not censure you upon suspicion maybe you have substantial reasons—at any rate one cannot very graciously reproach the other for negligence I for one am healthy as ham & that we have so seldom exchanged letters during your absence & on my honor promise to be a better girl in future—but the truth is my Dear Charles I am secretary for the Family—Mama you know never writes & James but seldom & they are all dispersed in different directions, consequently I have many calls upon my time—this to be sure is a pleasant duty & I urge it only as a slight palliation for my remissness if you should consider it as such—now I have finished my preface—I will try to be more interesting & doubtless I succeed. Our dear Father we hope & trust is now in Green Bush, where he will probably remain a month perhaps & from thence he expects to go to Sacket’s harbor—at which place you know our troops are fast collecting-- We shall hope to see him either here or there before he goes. Brother George I believe is [still] at Plattsburgh but expects soon to be removed to some other military part perhaps with Papa (I hope so at least). We have just got letters from Brothers Sylvester & Joseph at Middlebury—they are in good health. Mama has for some weeks been afflicted with an inflammation in her eyes but seems now to be convalescing. Sister Martha has been somewhat unwell for a few weeks but is now tolerably recovered. James & myself are both in our usual good health & at this time seated by the same stand, one reading, the other writing. Thus my Dear Charles have I given you an abstract history of our Family—but here indeed is a wonderful omission; not a word about Miss Harriet Hunt, who in truth ought to have been noted first but the last she’s not the least in my memory. She is much grown since you saw her, but does not speak as fluently as we could wish—a few word she can say. Probably before this you have been informed of the great loss your friend Sherrill has sustained in the death of his mother—also of the revolution that has taken place in Hackbridge as it respects the religion & morality of the place that more than one hundred on the plain have become religious converts & c—indeed I am at a loss what to say that will afford your pleasure—a narrative at this time must be gloomy indeed. The distressing situation of our country at this time would make almost any recital melancholy. The prevailing epidemic has swept off many of your acquaintance no doubt. Mrs. Dewey of Williamstown, the sister of Mrs. Danforth, has left a Husband, Children & many Friends sincerely to lament her loss—some few have died in our village, but we have escaped astonishingly –it has raged in every town about us--If we are unwilling to acknowledge a God in his mercies. I fear she shall be compelled to do it in the awfulness of his judgments.--------I am much [pleased] with our new neighbors the Parsons Wife & a Miss Woodward her cousin is a fine girl, I think, Mrs. Allen has not a handsome face but something in her manner that interests one her person I think the handsomest I ever saw & the Parson seems well pleased with his selection—Mrs. Ripley is with them this winter & will probably remain thro the summer—Her husband at [Sackett’s Harbor] little or no alteration is apparent since her marriage—she seems as gay & fond of company as ever.-------Mrs. [McKnight] it is expected will commence housekeeping in about three weeks in the house formerly occupied by Mr…. [Report] says that Mr. Goodman & Clarissa Weller are soon to be married & many other things that I must omit to mention for Mama wants a… PS reserved--now my Dear Charles remember you are considerably… & I am confident you have as much leisure as I have –… be ceremonious but write whenever I find time not & I beg… the same – I tell James I shall not send his love for he must write himself. I shall anxiously expect you to write & do not disappoint your affectionate, sister--H One word my Dear Charles from your affectionate Mother who longs to see Her Dear son Charles—but being deprived of that rich blessing at present— begs Him so to conduct that she may hope for it ere long—do you search the Scriptures and keep the Sabbath holy unto the Lord—and all the sacred Commandments of God—it is my ardent desire…He would protect, support and provide for your soul and body and believe me your affectionate friend and Mother. R Larned.