973 resultados para 390110 Indigenous Law


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The purpose of this article is to analyze the role played by key international organizations, particularly those of the UN and the OAS systems in protecting the rights of indigenous peoples under international law. The method adopted for the preparation of this work is descriptive and analytical, applying document analysis based on primary literature sources, especially those arising in organs of the UN and inter-American systems, mainly the jurisprudence from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. This article starts with the assumption underlying that international organizations have a preponderant role in the need to safeguard and secure the universality and indivisibility of human rights of indigenous peoples. It is argued further that resolutions and conventions emanating from such organizations are absorbed by national legal order of States members, so that, once these standards internalized by States, they can acquire legal force, beyond moral, in order that their liability is accepted.

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This work seeks to reconstruct the dynamics of the agreements and disagreements between the State and the indigenous peoples in Ecuador, emphasising particularly on two key elements: first, the indigenous peoples participation and exercise of their political rights, in particular the right to self-government and autonomy within their jurisdictions; and secondly, indigenous peoples’ degree of direct influence on public policies’ formulation and implementation, specially those directly affecting their territories, including the exploitation of natural resources. In Ecuador, during this historical period, the state has gone through three major moments in its relationship with indigenous peoples: neo - indigenism associated to developmentalism (1980-1984); multiculturalism associated to neoliberalism (1984- 2006) as one of the dominant trends over the period; and the crisis of neoliberalism and the search for national diversity and interculturalism associated to post- neoliberalism (2007-2013). Each has had a particular connotation, as to the scope and methods to respond to indigenous demands. In this context, this research aims to answer the central question: how has the Ecuadorian State met the demands of the indigenous movement in the last three decades, and how has it ensured the validity of their gradually recognized rights? And how and to what extent by doing so, it contradicts and alters the existing economic model based on the extraction of primary resources?

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Ecuador’s total population numbers some 15,682,792 inhabitants, and includes 14 nationalities accounting for around 1,100,000 people, all joined together in a series of local, regional and national organisations. 60.3% of the Andean Kichwa live in six provinces in the Central-North Mountains; 24.1% live in the Amazon region and belong to ten nationalities; 7.3% live in the Southern Mountains; and the remaining 8.3% live in the Coastal region and the Galapagos Islands. 78.5% still live in rural areas and 21.5% in urban areas. The current Constitution of the Republic recognises the country as a “…constitutional state of law and social justice, democratic, sovereign, independent, unitary, intercultural, multinational and secular”. Over the last five years, the country has undergone a series of political and institutional reforms. At the same time, however, enforcing and guaranteeing the collective rights recognised in the Constitution has become a challenge to the process, and a permanent point of disagreement between the government, headed by the economist Rafael Correa, and the indigenous social organisations. The government’s economic action has been largely marked by an opening up of the extractive industries - oil, copper and gold - to foreign investment, either of Chinese or Belarussian origin, or from other Latin American countries such as Brazil, Chile or Argentina. This has resulted in risk to and impacts on the territorial and cultural integrity of various indigenous peoples, and an uncertainty created around the true validity of the broad collective rights enshrined in the Constitution.

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El arte de la negociación es una estrategia fundamental en la toma de decisiones y un proceso mediante el cual las partes, en todas las áreas de la vida y en todas las disciplinas y profesiones, intentan resolver conflictos y llegar acuerdos, compatiblemente con sus necesidades e intereses. De una forma más sencilla, la negociación podría definirse como: “…cualquier comunicación entre dos o más personas con la intención de influenciar o persuadir” (R. Bordone, Harvard Law School, MA). Todos estos elementos destacan la importancia de desarrollar destrezas y competencias que fortalezcan este tipo de habilidad y la necesidad de conocer las reglas del juego de esta poderosa herramienta. Según la Escuela de Harvard, la forma más exitosa y provechosa de negociar es la recogida por el modelo integrativo-cooperativo, el que se base sobre premisas muy diferentes del tradicional modelo distributivo. Este último responde a nuestra forma de negociar más espontánea y lamentablemente desacertada, es decir, una forma de negociar que se reduce a un simple reparto de lo que haya sobre la mesa, sin visualizar, analizar posibles opciones negociadoras más allá de este simple reparto. Es un esquema que responde a una negociación “dura”, que se fundamenta en una concepción adversarial de las relaciones humanas (homo homini lupus, T. Hobbes), en donde hay un ganador y un perdedor, sin tintes intermedios. Al contrario, la idea con el modelo que propone la Escuela de Harvard, -el modelo integrativo-cooperativo-es uno por el que una negociación exitosa es aquella que “crea valor sobre la mesa” y que genera beneficios para todas las partes, no solo una de ellas. En otras palabras, el enfoque no es aquel por el que si uno pierde, el otro gana sino uno en el que la otra parte debe alcanzar un razonable nivel de satisfacción en sus requerimientos y demandas. Este modelo crea valor sobre la mesa inclusive más allá de los posibles beneficios que puedan conseguirse a partir de un determinado acuerdo; por ejemplo, ataja el conflicto y preserva las relaciones humanas, las que a menudo, en base al modelo tradicional (ganarperder) quedan perjudicadas. Finalmente, el modelo cooperativo es uno que abre la puerta a la empatía, la escucha activa, la transparencia y confianza; todos elementos que sin lugar a dudas facilitan las complejas relaciones interpersonales.

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Since the Ecuador Constitution regulations study on community indigenous peoples rights, the loss of traditional knowledge is focused, as scenery caused from historical processes, government policies and several distinct phenomena these native people have been subdued to, such as the lifestyle change and the territory restriction. The absence of values and law protection the judicial Ecuadorian organization requires directed towards their conservation, are the present study fundaments supported by indigenous vision of the world and the reality for two local communities in the province of Sucumbíos, the Cofán Dureno and Secoya (Siekopai) San Pablo, the Applying rule to Decision 391, the related Andean norms and Biologic diversity Agreement. The article concludes with a proposal of principles that conciliate values which identify these people. The analysis ends with a propensity of principles that conciliate values that identify these people.

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This paper aims to analyze the decision issued by the Constitutional Court for Transition within the unconstitutionality presented against the Mining Act. Proponents, in the main, formal allege unconstitutional by the Mining Law have been issued by the Committee on Legislation and Oversight (National Assembly during the Transitional Period after the adoption of the 2008 Constitution) without the prior execution of a legislative pre query, this query being a collective right of national, indigenous peoples and communities recognized in Article 57 paragraph 17 of the Constitution of the Republic. The Constitutional Court ruled Transition to reject the unconstitutionality confirming the constitutionality of the regulatory body and the substantial and non-formal pre-legislative consultation.

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