Engaging with the European Union? Exploring the Europeanization of the British National Party

Hostility towards the process of European integration is generally considered to constitute one of the hallmarks of the far right ‘family’ in Europe. This article acknowledges such opposition but it also recognises that the rhetoric is often at odds with actual policy activities and aspirations. Not only have far right parties long advocated greater European inter-party co-operation but they are now actively pursuing engagement with the European Union, especially the European Parliament, as a means of advancing their own strategic interests and boosting their finances. This article focuses on one far right party, namely the British National Party (BNP) and examines the party's approach towards the EU, its activities within the EP and its efforts to boost pan European cooperation through the new Alliance of European National Movements (AENM). It argues that the party's engagement with the European Union may have allowed the BNP to take advantage of new political opportunity structures but in turn, opened it up to Europeanization and made it increasingly dependent on the EU.

Promoter region of the Escherichia coli O7-specific lipopolysaccharide gene cluster:structural and functional characterization of an upstream untranslated mRNA sequence

We report the identification of the promoter region of the Escherichia coli O7-specific lipopolysaccharide (LPS) gene cluster (wbEcO7). Typical -10 and -35 sequences were found to be located in the intervening region between galF and rlmB, the first gene of the wbEcO7 cluster. Data from RNase protection experiments revealed the existence of an untranslated leader mRNA segment of 173 bp, including the JUMPStart and two ops sequences. We characterized the structure of this leader mRNA by using the program Mfold and a combination of nested and internal deletions transcriptionally fused to a promoterless lac operon. Our results indicated that the leader mRNA may fold into a series of complex stem-loop structures, one of which includes the JUMPStart element. We have also found that one of the ops sequences resides on the predicted stem and the other resides on the loop region, and we confirmed that these sequences are essential for the RfaH-mediated regulation of the O polysaccharide cluster. A very similar stem-loop structure could be predicted in the promoter region of the LPS core operon encoding the waaQGPSBIJYZK genes. We observed another predicted stem-loop, located immediately downstream from the wbEcO7 transcription initiation site, which appeared to be involved in premature termination of transcription. This putative stem-loop is common to many other O polysaccharide gene clusters but is not present in core oligosaccharide genes. wbEcO7-lac transcriptional fusions in single copy numbers were also used to determine the effects of various environmental cues in the transcriptional regulation of O polysaccharide synthesis. No effects were detected with temperature, osmolarity, Mg2+ concentration, and drugs inducing changes in DNA supercoiling. We therefore conclude that the wbEcO7 promoter activity may be constitutive and that regulation takes place at the level of elongation of the mRNA in a RfaH-mediated manner.

Genetic analysis of the dTDP-rhamnose biosynthesis region of the Escherichia coli VW187 (O7:K1) rfb gene cluster:identification of functional homologs of rfbB and rfbA in the rff cluster and correct location of the rffE gene

The O-repeating unit of the Escherichia coli O7-specific lipopolysaccharide is made of galactose, mannose, rhamnose, 4-acetamido-4,6-dideoxyglucose, and N-acetyglucosamine. We have recently characterized the genes involved in the biosynthesis of the sugar precursor GDP-mannose occurring in the E. coli O7:K1 strain VW187 (C. L. Marolda and M. A. Valvano, J. Bacteriol. 175:148-158, 1993). In the present study, we identified and sequenced the rfbBDAC genes encoding the enzymes for the biosynthesis of another precursor, dTDP-rhamnose. These genes are localized on the upstream end of the rfbEcO7 region, and they are strongly conserved compared with similar genes found in various enteric and nonenteric bacteria. Upstream of rfbB we identified a DNA segment containing the rfb promoter and a highly conserved untranslated leader sequence also present in the promoter regions of other surface polysaccharide gene clusters. Also, we have determined that rfbB and rfbA have homologs, rffG (o355) and rffH (o292), respectively, located on the rff cluster, which is involved in the synthesis of enterobacterial common antigen. We provide biochemical evidence that rffG and rffH encode dTDP-glucose dehydratase and glucose-1-phosphate thymidylyltransferase activities, respectively, and we also show that rffG complemented the rfbB defect in the O7+ cosmid pJHCV32. We also demonstrate that rffG is distinct from rffE and map the rffE gene to the second gene of the rff cluster.

Construction and biochemical characterization of recombinant cytoplasmic forms of the IucD protein (lysine:N6-hydroxylase) encoded by the pColV-K30 aerobactin gene cluster

The aerobactin gene cluster in pColV-K30 consists of five genes (iucABCD iutA); four of these (iucABCD) are involved in aerobactin biosynthesis, whereas the fifth one (iutA) encodes the ferriaerobactin outer membrane receptor. iucD encodes lysine:N6-hydroxylase, which catalyzes the first step in aerobactin biosynthesis. Regardless of the method used for cell rupture, we have consistently found that IucD remains membrane bound, and repeated efforts to achieve a purified and active soluble form of the enzyme have been unsuccessful. To circumvent this problem, we have constructed recombinant IucD proteins with modified amino termini by creating three in-frame gene fusions of IucD to the amino-terminal amino acids of the cytoplasmic enzyme beta-galactosidase. Two of these constructs resulted in the addition to the iucD coding region of a hydrophilic leader sequence of 13 and 30 amino acids. The other construct involved the deletion of the first 47 amino acids of the IucD amino terminus and the addition of 19 amino acids of the amino terminus of beta-galactosidase. Cells expressing any of the three recombinant IucD forms were found to produce soluble N6-hydroxylysine. One of these proteins, IucD439, was purified to homogeneity from the soluble fraction of the cell lysates, and it was capable of participating in the biosynthesis of aerobactin, as determined in vitro by a cell-free system and in vivo by a cross-feeding bioassay. A medium ionic strength of 0.25 (250 mM NaCl) or higher was required to maintain the protein in a catalytically functional, tetrameric state.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

Violence in the Lives of Children and Youth in “Post-Conflict” Northern Ireland

While Northern Ireland experiences relative peace and political stability, its violent past is normalized in murals and commemorations, the language and posturing of opposition politics, segregated communities and social life. In “post-conflict” Northern Ireland, children and youth disproportionately experience paramilitary-style attacks and routine sectarian violence. The violence of poverty and restricted opportunities within communities debilitated by three decades of conflict is masked by a discourse of social, economic and political progress. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper illustrates the continued legacy and impacts of violence on the lives of children and youth living in post-ceasefire Northern Ireland. It discusses the prominence of violence—sectarian, racist, political, “everyday,” domestic, “informal”—in young people's accounts and the impacts on their safety, sense of belonging, identity formation, use of space and emotional well-being. The paper concludes by challenging narrow and reductionist explanations of violence, arguing the need to contextualize these within local, historical, political, cultural and material contexts.

Cold War Politics in Britain and the Contested Legacy of the Spanish Civil War

This article offers a sustained examination of how the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped changing interpretations of the Spanish Civil War in Britain. Considering the perspectives of participants and historians, it focuses on the diverse strands of the Left that frequently drew on the civil war to attack each other and to make wider arguments about the global Cold War. First, with the aim of criticizing Communist take-overs in Eastern Europe in the late 1940s, the article analyzes retrospective assaults on Communist party tactics and Soviet foreign policy in Spain. Second, in order to argue that the Soviet Union took a counter-revolutionary line after 1956, it investigates the re-emergence of debates over the Spanish revolution. Third, to express disapproval of the United States, it examines the increasing use of the civil war as an analogy in Cold War international affairs from the 1960s. Fourth, in support of non-Soviet Left-of-Centre collaboration, most notably Eurocommunism in the 1970s and opposition to Margaret Thatcher’s Conservative government in the 1980s, it considers the renewed emphasis on the popular front. The trajectories of these debates reveal that, over time, the weight of the Left’s criticism moved from the Soviet Union towards the United States.

Sublinear Bounds for Randomized Leader Election

This paper concerns randomized leader election in synchronous distributed networks. A distributed leader election algorithm is presented for complete n-node networks that runs in O(1) rounds and (with high probability) takes only O(n-vlog3/2n) messages to elect a unique leader (with high probability). This algorithm is then extended to solve leader election on any connected non-bipartiten-node graph G in O(t(G)) time and O(t(G)n-vlog3/2n) messages, where t(G) is the mixing time of a random walk on G. The above result implies highly efficient (sublinear running time and messages) leader election algorithms for networks with small mixing times, such as expanders and hypercubes. In contrast, previous leader election algorithms had at least linear message complexity even in complete graphs. Moreover, super-linear message lower bounds are known for time-efficientdeterministic leader election algorithms. Finally, an almost-tight lower bound is presented for randomized leader election, showing that O(n-v) messages are needed for any O(1) time leader election algorithm which succeeds with high probability. It is also shown that O(n 1/3) messages are needed by any leader election algorithm that succeeds with high probability, regardless of the number of the rounds. We view our results as a step towards understanding the randomized complexity of leader election in distributed networks.

Sublinear bounds for randomized leader election

This paper concerns randomized leader election in synchronous distributed networks. A distributed leader election algorithm is presented for complete n-node networks that runs in O(1) rounds and (with high probability) uses only O(√ √nlog^3/2n) messages to elect a unique leader (with high probability). When considering the "explicit" variant of leader election where eventually every node knows the identity of the leader, our algorithm yields the asymptotically optimal bounds of O(1) rounds and O(. n) messages. This algorithm is then extended to one solving leader election on any connected non-bipartite n-node graph G in O(τ(. G)) time and O(τ(G)n√log^3/2n) messages, where τ(. G) is the mixing time of a random walk on G. The above result implies highly efficient (sublinear running time and messages) leader election algorithms for networks with small mixing times, such as expanders and hypercubes. In contrast, previous leader election algorithms had at least linear message complexity even in complete graphs. Moreover, super-linear message lower bounds are known for time-efficient deterministic leader election algorithms. Finally, we present an almost matching lower bound for randomized leader election, showing that Ω(n) messages are needed for any leader election algorithm that succeeds with probability at least 1/. e+. ε, for any small constant ε. >. 0. We view our results as a step towards understanding the randomized complexity of leader election in distributed networks.

Increasingly ‘Irrational’ Party Systems: Evidence that There Are Increasingly More Than Two at the District level

Recent work has noted an increase in the number of parties at the national level in both proportional and majoritarian electoral systems. While the conventional wisdom maintains that the incentives provided by the electoral system will prevent the number of parties at the district level from exceeding two in majoritarian systems, the evidence presented here demonstrates otherwise. I argue that this has occurred because the number of cleavages articulated by parties has increased as several third parties have begun articulating cleavages that are not well represented by the two larger parties.

The British conservative party and Europe:The choosing of John Major

This article provides an empirical analysis of voting behaviour in the second ballot of the 1990 Conservative leadership contest that resulted in John Major becoming party leader and prime minister. Seven hypotheses of voting behaviour are generated from the extant literature relating voting to socio-economic variables (occupational and educational background), political variables (parliamentary experience, career status, age and electoral marginality) and ideological variables (drawn from survey data on MPs' positions on economic, European and moral issues). These hypotheses are tested using data on voting intentions gathered from published lists of MPs' declarations, interviews with each of the leadership campaign teams, and correspondence with MPs. Bivariate relationships are presented, followed by logistic regression analysis to isolate the unique impact that each variable had on voting. This shows that educational background, parliamentary experience and (especially) attitudes to Europe were the key factors determining voting. The importance of Europe in the contest is particularly instructive: the severe problems for Major's leadership which were caused by the issue can be attributed to, and understood in the context of, the 1990 contest in which he became leader.

The Ulster Covenant and the Pulse of Protestant Ulster

The signing of the Ulster Covenant on 28 September 1912 by almost 450,000 men and women was a powerful act of defiance on the part of Unionists in the context of what they perceived as the threat to their way of life represented by the Liberal Government's policy of Irish Home Rule. This article attempts to look beyond the well-studied leadership figures of Carson and Craig in order to fashion insights into the way Ulster Protestant society was mobilised around the Covenant and opposition to Home Rule. It draws attention to hitherto over-shadowed personalities who can be said to have exerted crucial local influence. It also contends that although pan-Protestant denominational unity provided the basis for the success of the Covenant, the Presbyterian community was particularly cohesive and purposeful in the campaign. The article further argues that the risk-taking defiance that came more easily to the Presbyterians, on account of a troubled history, largely evaporated in the new political circumstances of Northern Ireland when it became a separate devolved political entity within the UK from 1921.

Fast Byzantine Leader Election in Dynamic Networks

We study the fundamental Byzantine leader election problem in dynamic networks where the topology can change from round to round and nodes can also experience heavy {\em churn} (i.e., nodes can join and leave the network continuously over time). We assume the full information model where the Byzantine nodes have complete knowledge about the entire state of the network at every round (including random choices made by all the nodes), have unbounded computational power and can deviate arbitrarily from the protocol. The churn is controlled by an adversary that has complete knowledge and control over which nodes join and leave and at what times and also may rewire the topology in every round and has unlimited computational power, but is oblivious to the random choices made by the algorithm. Our main contribution is an $O(\log^3 n)$ round algorithm that achieves Byzantine leader election under the presence of up to $O({n}^{1/2 - \epsilon})$ Byzantine nodes (for a small constant $\epsilon > 0$) and a churn of up to \\$O(\sqrt{n}/\poly\log(n))$ nodes per round (where $n$ is the stable network size).The algorithm elects a leader with probability at least $1-n^{-\Omega(1)}$ and guarantees that it is an honest node with probability at least $1-n^{-\Omega(1)}$; assuming the algorithm succeeds, the leader's identity will be known to a $1-o(1)$ fraction of the honest nodes. Our algorithm is fully-distributed, lightweight, and is simple to implement. It is also scalable, as it runs in polylogarithmic (in $n$) time and requires nodes to send and receive messages of only polylogarithmic size per round.To the best of our knowledge, our algorithm is the first scalable solution for Byzantine leader election in a dynamic network with a high rate of churn; our protocol can also be used to solve Byzantine agreement in a straightforward way.We also show how to implement an (almost-everywhere) public coin with constant bias in a dynamic network with Byzantine nodes and provide a mechanism for enabling honest nodes to store information reliably in the network, which might be of independent interest.

From 'trailing wives' to the emergence of a 'trailing husbands' phenomenon: Retirement migration to rural areas

Migration and gender studies have focused on economically active heterogeneous couples and traditionally highlight a dominant male role in migration decision-making. The female partner is commonly portrayed as a 'trailing wife' or 'trailing mother' with the move found to have a negative effect on her employment prospects. Much less is known about if or how the balance of power shifts between husbands and wives when employment or career-motivated moves are removed from the decision-making process. This is analysed with reference to retirement migration to rural areas of the UK and involved interviews with both partners present. For this cohort of retired couples, and in common with the literature, migration during economically active life course stages demonstrates strong 'trailing wife' and 'trailing mother' tendencies. The male's decision to retire signalled the commencement of a retirement life course stage for the couple. However, in contrast to the earlier male dominated decision-making, retirement migration saw the emergence of a 'trailing husband' phenomenon. Wives appear to adapt most successfully to the new rural environment while many husbands found it difficult to adjust (at least initially) to the multiple life changes: moving from largely urban areas to a rural setting alongside exiting the workforce. The findings suggest that the role of leader/ follower changed during the course of these couples' lives together and in relation to their reasons for moving.

The analysis of political will and its role in leadership: a study of portuguese mayors

This thesis analyses the concept of Political Will, suggests its operationalization and establishes a typological theory that provides the necessary support for the diverse strategies of action of a leader. It claims that political leadership styles articulate a choice of action that results from the Political Will of a leader, which is determined by his intention and his discerned possibilities to act. One main research question guided our research: How does a political leader select and change his leadership style? The most illustrative literature on political leadership is reviewed and the characteristics of democratic governance are analyzed. This is followed by an overview of the most noteworthy theories on the theme and a claim for the need of concept coherence, given the multiplicity of the existent standpoints. After that, we concentrate on leadership styles, with a focus on the local governance context. Human action and intentionality are addressed with particular attention, as well as the motivational drivers for action, in order to advance a conceptualization of Political Will through two dimensions: intention and possibility. This analysis led to a number of relevant propositions: (1) Political Will ‘exists’ when the agent has the intent and the possibility to act; (2) these two dimensions ‘translate’ simultaneously what the agent believes he must do and can do; (3) Intention and possibility reflect diverse but limited worldviews; (4) political leadership styles result from the agent’s Political Will; (5) different combinations of the expected and actual worldviews result in different leadership styles; and (6) political leadership styles can change accordingly to several strategies which allow conformity or reflect reaction to worldviews. We suggested the operationalization of the two dimensions of Political Will through the analytical tool of Grid-group Theory, which provided the identification of the heuristic devices that allowed further comprehension on the subjectivity of the agent’s choice. Four standard property spaces – representing four types of leadership styles – result from a preliminary approach to this process. Afterwards, and because these dimensions operate simultaneously, we advance on the analysis and suggest some plausible heuristical conflicts to happen and describe which consequences, strategies and type migrations are conceivable. An inclusive and more complete set of resulting property spaces renders fourteen different types of leadership styles and sixty different predictable causal paths that result from the expected migration strategies. Case-studies were conducted as plausibility probes designed to provide improvements to our theoretical claims and addressed the cases we selected for research purposes: Portuguese Mayors. The findings from five case studies are discussed and the probable impact and congruence of each with the theoretical claims are assessed. The communalities of the causal mechanisms related to the function of intention and possibility as the dimensions of Political Will and their role in explaining different leadership styles are, finally, addressed. To conclude, we advance some repercussions, mainly in the public policies field of research, and suggest a number of different and necessary paths for further work.