912 resultados para social security taxes
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A Rede Nacional de Cuidados Continuados (RNCCI) foi criada em 2006 pelo decreto-lei nº 101/2006, no âmbito do Ministério da Saúde e da Segurança Social. A RNCCI tem como missão prestar os cuidados adequados, de saúde e apoio social, a todas as pessoas que, independentemente da idade, se encontrem em situação de dependência, e articula-se com os serviços de saúde e sociais já existentes. Para cumprir a sua missão, a RNCCI, necessita de uma equipa multidisciplinar, na qual integram vários profissionais, tais como: médicos, enfermeiros, assistentes sociais, psicólogos, entre muitos outros, de entre estes os enfermeiros são os profissionais que maior percentagem detêm na constituição da mesma. Daí que seja pertinente a realização de estudos de investigação, com enfermeiros e estudantes de enfermagem, nesta nova valência de cuidados. O presente estudo incide sobre os conhecimentos dos estudantes de enfermagem sobre a RNCCI, que frequentam o terceiro e quarto ano na Escola Superior de Saúde do Instituto Politécnico de Bragança. Sendo a questão de investigação deste estudo: “Quais os conhecimentos dos alunos de enfermagem do terceiro e quarto ano da licenciatura em enfermagem sobre a RNCCI?”. Foi realizado um estudo de natureza quantitativa, descritivo, correlacional, num plano transversal. Optou-se por um processo de amostragem não probabilística de conveniência, que refletisse a distribuição da população por ano de escolaridade. Assim, considerou-se uma amostra de 120 alunos (75 % da população), selecionados acidentalmente, visando a disponibilidade, rapidez e o menor custo na recolha de dados. Concluiu-se que os alunos de enfermagem de uma forma geral apresentam conhecimentos sobre a RNCCI. Destacando-se uma percentagem de 90% de respostas corretas referentes sobre a RNCCI. No entanto 75% dos alunos responderam erradamente às afirmações relacionados com o processo de referenciação e tipologia das respostas da RNCCI. Comparando estes resultados com estudos realizados com enfermeiros que exercem funções na RNCCI, verifica-se que os alunos não apresentam conhecimentos suficientes para desencadear funções ou processos relacionados com a RNCCI, apesar de terem conhecimentos gerais da mesma, pois apresentam consideráveis falhas desde logo no processo de referenciação, assim como profissionais que já trabalham na área. Tais factos constatados salientam a importância de formação teórica e/ou prática, no plano curricular da licenciatura de enfermagem, preparando os futuros enfermeiros para exercerem as suas funções na RNCCI, e não só. Pois os enfermeiros que trabalham nos cuidados de saúde primários e secundários, também eles necessitam de ter conhecimentos sobre a RNCCI, verificando-se muito frequentemente é durante o internamento que se inicia o processo de referenciação. Sugerindo que o conhecimento dos alunos sobre a RNCCI, são adquiridos na sua maioria durante a realização do ensino clínico, onde acompanham este tipo de atividades. Embora a formação base da licenciatura, permita uma vasta aquisição de competências teórico-práticas, e a integração de formação sobre a RNCCI, seja considerada pelos alunos de enfermagem, como importante ou muito importante, a mesma pode considerar-se atualmente praticamente inexistente.
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This document provides statistical appendices underpinning the research presented in ENEPRI Research Report No. 117, “Performance of Long-Term Care Systems in Europe”, December 2012. Esther Mot is Senior Researcher in the Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis (CPB) and Riemer Faber is researcher at CPB. Joanna Geerts is researcher and Peter Willemé is health economist in the Social Security Research Group at the Federal Planning Bureau (FPB).
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This Task Force report combines the most recent data from Eurostat with national sources to highlight the most significant labour mobility trends within the EU. Overall, the recent recession has not induced previously immobile workers to become more mobile, at least not in the larger member states. Mobility flows have moved away from crisis countries in response to the economic downturn but the desired increase in south-north mobility has not been observed so far. This leads the authors to conclude that successfully fostering mobility within EU15 countries requires tremendous effort. It is important that workers who are willing and able to move are not discouraged from doing so by unnecessary barriers to mobility. Improving the workings of the EURES system and its online job-matching platform; better cooperation of national employment agencies; streamlining the recognition of qualifications; and supporting language training within the EU are important contributions to labour mobility. The authors conclude that the EU is right to defend the free movement of workers. National governments should keep in mind that their ability to tap into an attractive foreign labour supply also hinges upon the perception of how mobile workers are treated in destination countries. If the political imperative requires regulations to be changed, such as the one guiding the coordination of social security, it is essential that no new mobility barriers are put in place.
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Japan is the most rapidly aging country in the world. This is evidence that the social security system, which consists of the pension system, healthcare system and other programmes, has been working well. The population is shrinking because of a falling birth rate. It is expected that the population will fall from 128 million in 2010 to 87 million in 2060. During this period, the ratio of people aged 65 or over will rise from 23 percent to 39.9 percent. Japan’s age dependency ratio was 62 in 2013, the highest among advanced nations. It is expected to rise sharply to 94 in 2050 (see Figure 1 on page 4). A total reform of the Japanese social security system, therefore, is inevitable. From the point of view of fiscal reconstruction, reform of the healthcare system is the most important issue. The biggest problem in the healthcare system is that both the funding system and the care-delivery system are extremely fragmented. The government is planning its reform of the healthcare system based on the principle of integration. Other advanced economies could learn from the Japanese experience.
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After two and a half years under President Viktor Yanukovych and the Party of Regions, the overwhelming majority of Ukrainians are dissatisfied with the state the country’s economy is currently in and the direction it has been developing in. There has also been a significant drop in stability and social security with the general public increasingly feeling that the government has little interest in their problems. Only 16% of Ukrainians believe that the current government has performed better than their predecessors, although overall confidence in both the ruling party and the opposition remains low. Nonetheless, falling support for the president and the Cabinet does not seem to have translated into greater popularity for the country’s opposition parties; these currently enjoy the confidence of only a quarter of the electorate. The clear lack of credibility for politicians on either side of the political spectrum, coupled with an almost universal preoccupation with the bare necessities of life, has shifted the political processes in Ukraine further down the agenda for the majority of Ukrainians. Ukraine’s poor economic performance, which over the last two years has been addressed through a series of highly unpopular economic reforms, has resulted in a growing mood of discontent and increased civil activity, with the Ukrainian people reporting a greater willingness than ever to join protests on social issues. Most of them, however, have shown much less interest in political rallies. This is likely to stem from low levels of trust in the opposition and the general belief that opposition politicians are not a viable alternative to the current government. One may therefore assume that there will be little public scrutiny of the parliamentary election scheduled for 28 October, and that the likelihood of mass demonstrations during it is low. However, in the event of large-scale vote rigging and a dismissive response from the government, spontaneous unsanctioned rallies cannot be ruled out. What is more likely, however, is a series of protests after the elections, when the already difficult economic situation is further exacerbated by a predicted rise in the price of gas for Ukrainian households and a possible move to devalue the Ukrainian hryvnia.
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After four rounds of the European Semester process of EU economic coordination, Belgium has done relatively little to comply with EU recommendations. This brief substantiates and confirms this claim after clarifying the meaning of these recommendations. While the challenges underlined by the European Commission still lie ahead, Belgium’s ownership of the recommendations for reforms has been low. Not only do coordination processes remain bureaucratic and technocratic, but many of the recommendations’ concerns – external competitiveness, social security reforms, market reforms – are not traditionally defended by the political left in Belgium. The controversy surrounding the recommendations for national structural reforms owes much to their supply-side orientation, which contrasts with the inability of the EU to pursue demand-side policies. But despite this disequilibrium, the recommendations highlight relevant issues that ought to be addressed, and indicate where scope for national debate exists.
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Population; national product; agriculture; energy; industry; transport; external trade; standard of living; trends of major economic indicators in the six; supplementary statistics on iron and steel-trends from 1952-62; supplementary statistics in an social field-employment, earnings, expenditure, social security
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Since the May 2015 general election when the Tory Party gained an absolute majority in the House of Commons, Prime Minister Cameron has put his campaign into high gear to get a ‘new settlement’ with the EU and invested much personal diplomacy to try to advance his objective. “What does he really want?” is still heard from other EU leaders, yet his agenda is taking rough shape with calls for results under four headings: “competitiveness, sovereignty, social security and economic governance”. These are only code words, however, for a mixed bag of more specific desiderata, which overall seem to be moderate. Impossible demands have been quietly dropped. Some items will still be tricky to negotiate while others can be placed on the agenda for ongoing EU ‘reform’ that can be widely supported. The Brussels side of the affair thus seems manageable, but the wild cards at home in the UK remain or are becoming even wilder. The standard hazards of the referendum instrument are now exacerbated by the unknown quantity of the new Labour leadership alongside the aggressively Eurosceptic majority of Tory MPs and the great migration crisis, which is translating now into a negative factor for the EU in UK opinion polls. This ostensibly very democratic process is looking more and more like a deadly serious game of Russian roulette.
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This paper describes the first 4-year period (2012–2015) of implementation of the Portuguese National Programme for the Promotion of Healthy Eating (PNPAS). PNPAS was approved in 2012 and emerged as a preventive programme for noncommunicable diseases, aiming to improve the nutritional status of the population; it represents the first national strategy in Portugal for the promotion of healthy eating. To accomplish its mission, and taking into account its overall principles, PNPAS has five main goals: (i) to increase knowledge about the food intake of the Portuguese population and about its determinants and consequences; (ii) to modify the availability of certain foods (high in sugar, salt and fat), in schools, workplaces and public spaces; (iii) to inform and empower the population for the purchase, preparation and storage of healthy food, especially the most vulnerable groups; (iv) to identify and promote crosssectoral actions that encourage the consumption of foods of good nutritional quality in an articulate and integrated way with other sectors, namely agriculture, sport, environment, education, social security and local authorities; and (v) to improve the qualifications and conduct of the different professionals who, owing to their roles, may influence nutritional knowledge, attitudes and behaviours. The design of PNPAS followed the latest strategic lines suggested by WHO and the European Commission, proposing a crosssectoral mix of interventions to ensure physical and economic access to healthy eating by creating healthy environments and empowering individuals and communities. Several actions were implemented at different levels during the first 4-year period of implementation of PNPAS; two were especially relevant. The first concerned the empowerment of citizens regarding healthy eating, where the most important aspect was introduction of a digital strategy through development of a website and a blog dedicated to healthy eating. The second concerned the development of documents for health care and other professionals, including several guidelines in new areas, such as anthropometric measures and intervention in preobesity. Process and output indicators were defined to monitor and evaluate the programme. Among those considered as output indicators were the evaluation of childhood obesity, salt consumption and intake of breakfast by school-aged children.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Prepared at the request of the Bureau of Employment Security by Marsile J. Hughes of the Illinois Division of Placement and Unemployment Compensation." -- Foreword.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"June 1984."