843 resultados para financial revolution, public debt, paper credit, rationality, political arithmetic, consequentialism, Petty, Mandeville


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In July 2012, legislation on political party funding and candidate gender quotas was enacted by the Irish Parliament. The Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Act 2012 provides for a 30% gender quota for party candidates at the next general election, rising to 40% seven years thereafter. Non-compliant parties will lose half of their annual state funding. Informed by insights from feminist institutionalism, this paper will consider the question: why did Irish political parties, who have always been so reluctant to tackle the question of women’s under-representation, suddenly do a volte-face and introduce such a radical measure as legislative gender quotas? In answering this question, we argue that the political reform discourse that emerged following the recent Irish economic crisis was a significant factor in the adoption of legislative gender quotas in the Republic of Ireland. It signified, and made visible, the divergence between politicians and the public on the issue in a context where political representatives were under question, and political institutions being criticised, for ineffective political management. We contend that Ireland is an example of how apparently enduring and immutable gender norms can be overcome. We suggest that feminist institutionalism enables an unpacking of the messy complexities of institutional resistance to change and reveals the power of informal institutions to shape outcomes leading to a major formal rule change.

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The management of public sector risk is increasingly seen as a priority area of UK government policy. This has been highlighted recently by the Prime Minister Gordon Brown who stated that “the issue of public risk is one of the most challenging areas of policy-making for any government” (Strategic Risk, 2008). In response to these challenges, the UK Prime Minister has appointed a new body - the Risk and Regulation Advisory Council (RRAC) which is tasked with improving the way risk to the public is understood and managed. One area of particular concern with regard to the governance of public sector risks involves projects procured via the Private Finance Initiative (PFI). These projects involve long-term contracts, complex multi-party interactions and thus create various risks to public sector clients. Today, most PFI actors acknowledge the potentially adverse effects of these risks and make an effort to prevent or mitigate undesirable results. As a consequence, issues of risk allocation, risk transfer and risk management have become central to the PFI procurement process. This paper provides an overview of the risk categories and risk types which are relevant to the public sector in PFI projects. It analyses risk as a feature of uncertain future project-related events and examines potential pitfalls which can be associated with PFI risk management on the basis of a case study of a high-profile PFI hospital in Scotland. The paper concludes that, despite the trend towards diminished risk profiles during the operational phase, the public sector continues to be exposed to significant risks when engaging in PFI-based procurement.

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The UK government introduced the Private Finance Initiative (PFI) and, latterly, the Local Improvement Finance Trust (LIFT) in an attempt to improve public service provision. As a variant of PFI, LIFT seeks to create a framework for the effective provision of primary care facilities. Like conventional PFI procurement, LIFT projects involve long-term contracts, complex multi-party interactions and thus create various risks to public sector clients. This paper investigates the advantages and disadvantages of LIFT with a focus on how this approach facilitates or impedes risk management from the public sector client perspective. Our paper concludes that LIFT has a potential for creating additional problems, including the further reduction of public sector control, conflicts of interest, the inappropriate use of enabling funds, and higher than market rental costs affecting the uptake of space in the buildings by local health care providers. However, there is also evidence that LIFT has facilitated new investment and that Primary Care Trusts (PCTs) have themselves started addressing some of the weaknesses of this procurement format through the bundling of projects and other forms of regional co-operation.

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Purpose
The study contributes to the literature on public value and performance examining politicians’ and managers’ perspectives by investigating the importance they attach to the different facets of performance information (i.e. budgetary, accrual based- and non-financial information (NFI)).

Design/methodology/approach
We survey politicians and managers in all Italian municipalities of at least 80,000 inhabitants.

Findings
Overall, NFI is more appreciated than financial information (FI). Moreover, budgetary accounting is preferred to accrual accounting. Politicians’ and managers’ preferences are generally aligned.

Research limitations/implications
NFI as a measure of public value is not alternative, but rather complementary, to FI. The latter remains a fundamental element of public sector accounting due to its role in resource allocation and control.

Practical implications
The preference for NFI over FI and of budgetary over accruals accounting suggests that the current predominant emphasis on (accrual-based) financial reporting might be misplaced.

Originality/value
Public value and performance are multi-faceted concepts. They can be captured by different types of information and evaluated according to different criteria, which will also depend on the category of stakeholders or users who assesses public performance. So far, most literature has considered the financial and non-financial facets of performance as virtually separate. Similarly, in the practice, financial management tends to be decoupled from non-financial performance management. However, this research shows that only by considering their joint interactions we can achieve an accurate representation of what public value really is.

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The European Commission’s initiative to establish a Capital Markets Union is in sharp conflict with the more radical goals of downsizing significantly certain financial activities and firms that have become too-big-to-fail and too-big-to-govern and of ending or at least drastically limiting extreme speculation and short-termism in finance and the real economy in order to increase financial stability. The recent public consultation on the Commission’s Green Paper Building a Capital Markets Union gives evidence of how weak such demands are compared to calls for deeper capital markets with more ‘shadow banking’ and rebuilding (sound) securitisation. The consultation is an example of how framing the problem and the refined better regulation agenda influence post-crisis financial reregulation and help to marginalize more radical ideas demanding a return to a more traditional banking model and transforming finance back to serving the real economy.

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This paper provides a comparative analysis of working class consumer credit in Britain and France from the early twentieth century through to the 1980s. It indicates a number of similarities between the two nations in the earlier part of the period: in particular, in the operation of doorstep credit systems. For the British case study, we explore consumer finance offered by credit drapers (sometimes known as tallymen) whilst in France the paper explores a similar system that functioned in the coalmining communities around the city of Lens. Both methods operated on highly socialised relationships that established the trust on which credit was offered and long-term creditor/borrower relationships established. In the second part of the paper, we analyse the different trajectories taken in post-war France and Britain in this area of working class credit. In France this form of socialized credit gradually dwindled due to factors such as ‘Bancarisation’, which saw the major banks emerge as modern bureaucratized providers of credit for workers and their families. In contrast, in Britain the tallymen (and other related forms of doorstep credit providers) were offered a new lease of life in the 1960s and 1970s. This was a period during which British credit providers utilised multiple methods to evade the hire purchase controls put in place by post-war governments. Thus, whilst the British experience was one of fragmented consumer loan types (including the continuation of doorstep credit), the French experience (like elsewhere in Europe) was one of greater consolidation. The paper concludes by reflecting on the role of these developments in the creation of differential experiences of credit inclusion/exclusion in the two nations and the impact of this on financial inequality.

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This paper explores one of the defining aspects of politics and identity in Northern Ireland: the control and utilization of public space, particularly urban public space. Ethnopolitical conflict consistently reveals itself through contestation over public space. The role of ritual events is important in the development of political identity and group cohesion. The symbolic landscape will be constructed through displays of identity by dominant groups and their ability to control that landscape by inhibiting displays by other groups. This will reveal itself through frequent contests over rituals and symbols. This paper looks at the role of ritual events in civic spaces in Belfast but particularly asks what role they might play in conflict transformation. The 1998 agreement offered political structures that provided for shared power after 30 years of violent conflict. At the same time, there was an increase in contestation over public space as political groups within the previously marginalized Catholic community demanded recognition within the public sphere and a rebalancing of the public space through changes to the previously dominant Protestant and Unionist expression of identity. The paper concludes by suggesting that in “shared space” a new civic identity that spans the political and ethnic divisions has started to develop in Belfast and that this might evolve despite an increased residential division throughout the urban area.

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Do philosophers have a responsibility to their society that is distinct from their responsibility to it as citizens? This edited volume explores both what type of contribution philosophy can make and what type of reasoning is appropriate when addressing public matters now. These questions are posed by leading international scholars working in the fields of moral and political philosophy. Each contribution also investigates the central issue of how to combine critical, rational analysis with a commitment to politically relevant public engagement. The contributions to this volume analyse issues raised in practical ethics, including abortion, embryology, and assisted suicide. They consider the role of ethical commitment in the philosophical analysis of contemporary political issues, and engage with matters of public policy such as poverty, the arts, meaningful work, as well as the evidence base for policy. They also examine the normative legitimacy of power, including the use of violence.

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This paper examines the connectedness of the Eurozone sovereign debt market over the period 2005–2011. By employing measures built from the variance decompositions of approximating models we are able to define weighted, directed networks that enable a deeper understanding of the relationships between the Eurozone countries. We find that connectedness in the Eurozone was very high during the calm market conditions preceding the global financial crisis but decreased dramatically when the crisis took hold, and worsened as the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis emerged. The drop in connectedness was especially prevalent in the case of the peripheral countries with some of the most peripheral countries deteriorating into isolation. Our results have implications for both market participants and regulators.

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O presente trabalho aborda de que forma a Análise Económica pode contribuir para a definição de uma Política Pública da Água sustentável para Portugal. Analisam-se, inicialmente, as particularidades do recurso e o seu enquadramento legislativo, institucional, bem como as respectivas implicações no processo de gestão da água. Esta análise conduz à definição daquilo a que se chamará ―Novo Modelo de Gestão da Água‖. Tendo por enquadramento a Directiva-Quadro da Água (DQA) — Directiva 2000/60/CE de 23 de Outubro de 2000, publicada no Jornal Oficial das Comunidades Europeias, em 22 de Dezembro do mesmo ano — é ilustrada a aplicação dos conceitos e a abordagem desenvolvida na definição de uma estratégia política de actuação para Portugal, de modo a assegurar o seu cumprimento de forma eficaz, eficiente e sustentável. São discutidos os aspectos económicos e a justificação teórica para a intervenção nos mercados, nomeadamente através do desenvolvimento de sistemas de tarifas. As formas de financiamento do sector, à luz do princípio da recuperação de custos, são analisados propondo-se a chamada visão dos 4T. Dado o contexto de análise do sector da água, enquanto política pública, são referenciados os vários de tipos de regulação e as várias reformas propostas pelos principais investigadores e organizações internacionais. Neste contexto de análise é abordada a governação (governance) e os seus atributos. São enunciados os principais entraves a uma governação eficiente. As várias formas de participação do capital privado, bem como a descrição de algumas das suas potencialidades são postas em evidência. A partir de um modelo analítico procede-se ao estudo dos efeitos do uso de vários instrumentos económicos, nomeadamente a nível do bem-estar. Analisa-se o modelo institucional português, nas suas vertentes, legislativa e institucional. O estado dos recursos hídricos e dos serviços de água em Portugal é avaliado a partir de dados oficiais. Com base na identificação das restrições do actual modelo institucional, é proposto um novo modelo que responda de forma flexível e atempada às solicitações postas pela Directiva. Propõe se a criação de uma instituição financeira — o ―Banco da Água‖ — que, em condições de mercado, possa financiar os investimentos estruturais necessários à melhoria da qualidade dos recursos hídricos, bem como dos serviços associados à água. Pretende demonstrar-se que, face às restrições orçamentais, à esperada conclusão do Quadro de Referência Estratégico Nacional (QREN) e às limitações dos chamados project finance esta solução será necessária para o sucesso da Política Pública da Água. A criação de condições para um maior papel da iniciativa privada, uma legislação protectora do consumidor, a aplicação de instrumentos de política da água — nomeadamente sistemas de tarifas e a criação de um Fundo de Equilíbrio Tarifário —, e o uso da metodologia Oikomatrix, nas políticas sectoriais, são outras das sugestões que completam as propostas avançadas tendentes a que o Sector da Água mimize algumas das ineficiências detectadas e almeje à desejável sustentabilidade.

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Face aos princípios orientadores do New Public Management a política orçamental, continuando a ser primordial na avaliação do desempenho do gestor público, deixou de ser o seu único meio de avaliação, constituindo a informação proporcionada pela contabilidade financeira uma ferramenta essencial para aferir a racionalidade, a economia, a eficiência e a eficácia da aplicação dos recursos na satisfação das necessidades dos cidadãos/eleitores. O presente trabalho de investigação tem como objectivo proporcionar conhecimento acerca dos incentivos que podem motivar o gestor autárquico à prática da gestão dos resultados bem como identificar os procedimentos contabilísticos utilizados para essa gestão. O trabalho desenvolvido assentou em pressupostos das teorias da agência e da escolha pública que permitiram formular as hipóteses a testar no estudo empírico. Os resultados obtidos confirmam o pressuposto fundamental de ambas as teorias: na presença de uma relação de agência em que existem conflitos de interesse entre o gestor e o principal, o gestor procura actuar oportunisticamente no seu interesse próprio, maximizando o seu bem-estar. Confirmam, igualmente, que numa perspectiva de sinalização de desempenho e competência, com vista à reeleição, o autarca procede à gestão dos resultados tendo como objectivo evitar divulgar resultados negativos e procurar divulgar resultados positivos próximos de zero num nível que não seja considerado excessivo por parte, nomeadamente, do cidadão, dos grupos de interesse e dos partidos políticos.

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Tese dout., Philosophy, Lancaster University, 2010