842 resultados para Youth and violence


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Compreender as características e a magnitude das causas externas (acidentes e violência) em crianças de 0 a 9 anos de idade torna-se cada vez mais importante em Saúde Pública. O objetivo do presente artigo foi analisar os atendimentos de emergência por causas externas em crianças. Utilizaram-se dados do Sistema de Vigilância de Violências e Acidentes em Serviços Sentinelas de Urgência e Emergência (Inquérito VIVA), realizado em 74 serviços de urgência do Distrito Federal e 23 capitais no ano 2009. Analisaram-se dados de 7.123 crianças: 6.897 (96,7%) vítimas de acidentes e 226 (3,3%) de violência. Em comparação às vítimas de violência, os atendimentos por acidentes foram mais frequentes entre crianças de 2 a 5 anos, de pele branca e ocorridos no domicílio (p < 0,05). Dentre os acidentes, as quedas e queimaduras predominaram no grupo de 0 a 1 ano, enquanto os acidentes de transporte foram mais frequentes no grupo de 6 a 9 anos (p < 0,001). Quanto às violências, atendimentos por negligência e agressão física predominaram, respectivamente, nos grupos extremos de faixa etária, sendo um familiar identificado como agressor (p < 0,001). Informações sobre ocorrência de causas externas em crianças podem apoiar políticas de promoção da saúde, além de orientar profissionais de saúde, educadores e famílias na prevenção destas causas.

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The PHENIX experiment has measured electrons and positrons at midrapidity from the decays of hadrons containing charm and bottom quarks produced in d + Au and p + p collisions at root S-NN = 200 GeV in the transverse-momentum range 0.85 <= p(T)(e) <= 8.5 GeV/c. In central d + Au collisions, the nuclear modification factor R-dA at 1.5 < p(T) < 5 GeV/c displays evidence of enhancement of these electrons, relative to those produced in p + p collisions, and shows that the mass-dependent Cronin enhancement observed at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider extends to the heavy D meson family. A comparison with the neutral-pion data suggests that the difference in cold-nuclear-matter effects on light- and heavy-flavor mesons could contribute to the observed differences between the pi(0) and heavy-flavor-electron nuclear modification factors R-AA. DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevLett.109.242301

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Há poucos estudos sobre homens abordando violência como evento não fatal. Contribuindo nessa direção, descrevem-se as prevalências da violência psicológica, física e/ou sexual sofridas por homens, detalhando-se nestes tipos a perpetrada contra parceiras. Trata-se de estudo transversal realizado com 789 homens de 18 a 60 anos, dos quais 775 com alguma parceria íntima na vida, selecionados por ordem de chegada em dois serviços de atenção primária na cidade de São Paulo. Foram investigadas as características sociodemográficas e as violências mencionadas, examinadas ainda quanto a sobreposições e à percepção de havê-las sofrido ou perpetrado. As prevalências de violências sofridas na vida foram de 79% para qualquer tipo e por qualquer agressor; 63,9%, 52,8% e 6,1% respectivamente para psicológica, física e sexual. Para violências perpetradas contra a parceira na vida, temos 52,1% qualquer tipo e 40%, 31,9% e 3,9%, respectivamente, para violência psicológica, física e sexual. Nas sofridas e nas perpetradas, a psicológica é a de maior taxa exclusiva, seguida da física. Quanto aos agressores, conhecidos é o principal agressor, seguido de familiar, estranhos e parceira íntima. Na relação entre sofrer por suas parceiras e perpetrar, 14,2% dos casos são sobrepostos e 81,2% somente perpetraram. Conclui-se que, embora nas violências relativas às parceiras íntimas os homens sofram muito menos do que perpetrem, os dados mostram que eles se envolvem em muitas situações de violência, de grandes magnitudes e sobreposições, quer como vitimas ou agressores, reiterando estudos sobre masculinidade. Este conjunto complexo de situações também deve ser considerado nos serviços básicos de saúde.

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La ricognizione delle opere composte da Filippo Tommaso Marinetti tra il 1909 e il 1912 è sostenuta da una tesi paradossale: il futurismo di Marinetti non sarebbe un'espressione della modernità, bensì una reazione anti-moderna, che dietro a una superficiale ed entusiastica adesione ad alcune parole d'ordine della seconda rivoluzione industriale nasconderebbe un pessimismo di fondo nei confronti dell'uomo e della storia. In questo senso il futurismo diventa un emblema del ritardo culturale e del gattopardismo italiano, e anticipa l’analoga operazione svolta in politica da Mussolini: dietro un’adesione formale ad alcune istanze della modernità, la preservazione dello Status Quo. Marinetti è descritto come un corpo estraneo rispetto alla cultura scientifica del Novecento: un futurista senza futuro (rarissime in Marinetti sono le proiezioni fantascientifiche). Questo aspetto è particolarmente evidente nelle opere prodotte del triennio 1908-1911, che non solo sono molto diverse dalle opere futuriste successive, ma per alcuni aspetti rappresentano una vera e propria antitesi di ciò che diventerà il futurismo letterario a partire dal 1912, con la pubblicazione del Manifesto tecnico della letteratura futurista e l'invenzione delle parole in libertà. Nelle opere precedenti, a un sostanziale disinteresse per il progressismo tecnologico corrispondeva un'attenzione ossessiva per la corporeità e un ricorso continuo all'allegoria, con effetti particolarmente grotteschi (soprattutto nel romanzo Mafarka le futuriste) nei quali si rilevano tracce di una concezione del mondo di sapore ancora medioevo-rinascimentale. Questa componente regressiva del futurismo marinettiano viene platealmente abbandonata a partire dal 1912, con Zang Tumb Tumb, salvo riaffiorare ciclicamente, come una corrente sotterranea, in altre fasi della sua carriera: nel 1922, ad esempio, con la pubblicazione de Gli indomabili (un’altra opera allegorica, ricca di reminiscenze letterarie). Quella del 1912 è una vera e propria frattura, che nel primo capitolo è indagata sia da un punto di vista storico (attraverso la documentazione epistolare e giornalistica vengono portate alla luce le tensioni che portarono gran parte dei poeti futuristi ad abbandonare il movimento proprio in quell'anno) che da un punto di vista linguistico: sono sottolineate le differenze sostanziali tra la produzione parolibera e quella precedente, e si arrischia anche una spiegazione psicologica della brusca svolta impressa da Marinetti al suo movimento. Nel secondo capitolo viene proposta un'analisi formale e contenutistica della ‘funzione grottesca’ nelle opere di Marinetti. Nel terzo capitolo un'analisi comparata delle incarnazioni della macchine ritratte nelle opere di Marinetti ci svela che quasi sempre in questo autore la macchina è associata al pensiero della morte e a una pulsione masochistica (dominante, quest'ultima, ne Gli indomabili); il che porta ad arrischiare l'ipotesi che l'esperienza futurista, e in particolare il futurismo parolibero posteriore al 1912, sia la rielaborazione di un trauma. Esso può essere interpretato metaforicamente come lo choc del giovane Marinetti, balzato in pochi anni dalle sabbie d'Alessandria d'Egitto alle brume industriali di Milano, ma anche come una reale esperienza traumatica (l'incidente automobilistico del 1908, “mitologizzato” nel primo manifesto, ma che in realtà fu vissuto dall'autore come esperienza realmente perturbante).

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The project looked at crucial political events in Slovakia between 1956 and 1960. 1956 saw the first attempt by Slovak intellectuals to reform the communist regime by increasing the degree of democracy and 1960 was the culmination of the strengthening of the political persecution that began after 1957. The period was characterised by the partial replacement of the informal-political instruments of control over society by formal measures, and the gradual weakening of the role of terror in people's daily life. Marusiak studied the gradual accommodation of the communist regime by the people, analysing the social and political history against the background of political development and of specific aspects such as the conflict of youth and intellectuals with the regime, the collectivisation of agriculture and the liquidation of the rest of the private sector in the economy, public opinion and the changes in the political system, the relations between state and churches, and ethnic problems in Czechoslovakia. He concludes that there was a continuity between the aims and methods used by the communist regime before and after 1953 (or 1956) and that the communist regime in this period remained fundamentally totalitarian.

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The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

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This study examines perceived ethnic discrimination (as opposed to “objective” discrimination). It includes a discussion of definitions of discrimination and attempts to measure it, and a review of findings on the distribution of discrimination experiences among minorities. The aim of the study is to determine the influence of factors that increase the risk of exposure to situations in which discrimination can take place (exposure hypothesis), and those that sensitize perceptions and give rise to different frequencies of subjective feelings of discrimination (sensitization hypothesis). A standardized questionnaire was administered to a random sample of German-born persons of Turkish and Greek origin and Aussiedler (ethnic Germans born in the former Soviet Union) (total N = 301). Minorities of non-German, especially of Turkish origin reported significantly more discrimination than Aussiedler in a set of nineteen everyday situations. A bivariate correlation was found between number of incidents reported and employment status with homemakers reporting the fewest incidents. However, multiple regression analysis yielded no significant effect, thus lending no clear support to the exposure hypothesis. Frequency of contacts with German friends has no effect and seems not to entail an increase in exposure opportunities, but may lead to a desensitization to discrimination due to the erosion of the relevance of ethnic categories. On the other hand, an influence through intra-ethnic contacts clearly occurs, as frequency of contact with co-ethnic friends exerts a strong positive effect on experienced discrimination. A similar effect was found for ethnic self-awareness. The latter finding confirms the sensitization hypothesis.

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This article presents findings from a quantitative survey (N = 301) to evaluate the impact discriminatory incidents have on the attitudes of immigrants towards the majority society in Germany.The findings show that there is a strong relationship between experiences of discrimination and a hostile or alienated attitude towards German society. As an attempt to explain this generalization from single incidents to the macro relation between immigrants and autochthonous Germans in general a theory of framing, taken from developments in the field of rational choice theory, is applied. The reasoning is that a generalizing and rather hostile framing in terms of the attitude towards Germans can minimize psychic, emotional and social costs resulting from acts of discrimination.

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This study analyzes discriminatory intentions shared by members of the German majority against several outgroups in Germany. Patterns of discriminatory intentions against various minority groups were investigated for several indicators, including gender, age, and political orientation, by means of a representative survey (N = 1,778). The relationship between prejudices and discriminatory intentions against different target groups was also analyzed. Prejudice and discriminatory intentions show moderate but consistently positive correlations in relation to one and the same target group. Moreover, it was found that discriminatory intentions against one outgroup are related to hostile attitudes towards other outgroups, too. The results support the hypothesis of a syndrome of group-focused enmity.

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This article examines the history and the development of terrorism as a research subject for social sciences. It gives an impression of how the subject’s theoretical remit has changed over the last decades—explicitly taking into account the characteristics of a modern and global world and their impact on current understandings of terrorism.

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Understanding suicide bombing entails studying the phenomenon on three different dimensions: the suicide bomber, the terrorist organization, and the community from which suicide bombings emerge. Political and social psychology allow us to establish the reciprocal relationships that underpin the exchanges between the three dimensions. This method increases our theoretical understanding of suicide bombing by moving away from the unidimensional models that have previously dominated the terrorism literature.

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In the West Bank city of Hebron the Israeli-Palestinian conflict still overshadows all activities. Despite the tension, friction, and violence that have become integral to the city’s everyday life, the Jewish Community of Hebron is expanding in numbers and geographical extent. Since the Six Day War, the community has attracted some of the most militant groups among the settlers in the West Bank, responsible for severe violence against Palestinians, including harassment, car bombs, and attempts to blow up the Dome of the Rock mosque itself. Why do the members of the Jewish Community of Hebron wish to live and raise their children in such a violent setting? Using a series of interviews with members of the Jewish Community of Hebron and related settler communities in the period 2000–05, the article examines the ways the Jewish Community legitimizes its disputed presence. It reveals a deep religious belief, blended with intense distrust of and hatred toward the Palestinian population.

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Grounded in group conflict theory and the defended neighborhoods thesis, this nationwide empirical study of cities and their residential segregation levels, examines the occurrence of hate crime using data on for all U.S. cities with populations over 95,000, and data compiled from the Uniform Crime Report for hate crime, in conjunction with 2000 census data. Hate crime is any illegal act motivated by pre-formed bias against, in this case, a person’s real or perceived race. This research asks: Do hate crime levels predict white/black segregation levels? How does hate crime predict different measures of white/black segregation? I use the dissimilarity index measure of segregation operationalized as a continuous, binary and ordinal variable, to explore whether hate crime predicts segregation of blacks from whites. In cities with higher rates of hate crime there was higher dissimilarity between whites and blacks, controlling for other factors. The segregation level was more likely to be “high” in a city where hate crime occurred. Blacks are continually multiply disadvantaged and distinctly affected by hate crime and residential segregation. Prior studies of residential segregation have focused almost exclusively on individual choice, residents’ lack of finances, or discriminatory actions that prevent racial minorities from moving, to explore the correlates of segregation. Notably absent from these studies are measures reflecting the level of hate crime occurring in cities. This study demonstrates the importance of considering hate crime and neighborhood conflict when contemplating the causes of residential segregation.