939 resultados para Smokey Bear


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Este estudo apresenta ao Departamento de Engenharia de Minas e Petróleo (PMI) da Escola Politécnica da USP, e também a toda a sociedade, a importância que os oceanos têm com relação às suas riquezas minerais. Pretende ainda mostrar a grande responsabilidade que um empreendimento mineiro no fundo do mar precisa ter, com relação aos impactos ambientais, sendo possível minerar em regiões profundas no oceano promovendo a sustentabilidade. A ideia da mineração oceânica/submarina está ainda sendo amadurecida, este é o momento adequado para se propor metodologias de trabalho submarino sustentáveis; mitigar seus impactos. Este trabalho abrange o tema de maneira ampla, abordando o aspecto histórico, legal, ambiental, bem como questões técnicas de engenharia de minas, como sondagem submarina, caracterização tecnológica, lavra submarina, beneficiamento de minério oceânico e descarte de rejeitos. O trabalho apresenta os passos e resultados de um caso real de exploração oceânica. Trata-se de um estudo para viabilizar economicamente a extração e o beneficiamento de areia marinha, para fins industriais, proveniente da Baía de Guanabara (RJ). O trabalho apresenta desde o planejamento da amostragem no fundo do mar, execução destes trabalhos, caracterização tecnológica, simulação de processo e estudos específicos do uso industrial da areia após beneficiamento. Apresenta ainda uma proposta de rota de processo para a areia marinha e questões ligadas à lavra e ao descarte de rejeitos.

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This Article examines state court cases involving the right to arms, during the first century following ratification of the Amendment in 1791. This is not the first article to survey some of those cases. This Article includes additional cases, and details the procedural postures and facts, not only the holdings. The Article closely examines how the Supreme Court integrated the nineteenth century arms cases into Heller and McDonald to shape modern Second Amendment law. Part I briefly explains two English cases which greatly influenced American legal understandings. Semayne’s Case is the foundation of “castle doctrine” — the right to home security which includes the right of armed self-defense in the home. Sir John Knight’s Case fortified the tradition of the right to bear arms, providing that the person must bear arms in a non-terrifying manner. Part II examines American antebellum cases; these are the cases to which Heller looked for guidance on the meaning of the Second Amendment. Part III looks at cases from Reconstruction and the early years of Jim Crow, through 1891. As with the antebellum cases, the large majority of post-war cases are from the Southeast, which during the nineteenth century was the region most ardent for gun control. The heart of gun control country was Tennessee and Arkansas; courts there resisted some infringements of the right to arms, but eventually gave up. Heller and McDonald did not look to the Jim Crow cases as constructive precedents on the Second Amendment.

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En los ocho años de vida de La Ilustración, la narrativa, larga y breve, fue uno de los elementos fundamentales de este periódico ilustrado. El artículo analiza los relatos que allí aparecieron y los efectos que las necesidades industriales y comerciales tuvieron en una revista que luchaba por sobrevivir económicamente. Ángel Fernández de los Ríos, propietario del Semanario Pintoresco Español y de La Ilustración, convirtió a esta última, en lo que toca a la narrativa, en una especie de serie B, en la que se entremezclaban reediciones, traducciones y colaboraciones que no habían llegado a tener el nivel suficiente para llegar a las páginas del Semanario Pintoresco Español. La abundancia de reediciones y las diversas fuentes de las que proceden hacen ver que en su selección fue más importante la imperiosa necesidad de sacar la publicación a la calle cada quince días que otros criterios. Ello también explica la abundancia de traducciones de novelas y cuentos en las páginas de La Ilustración. Traducciones y reediciones son el cuerpo principal de la narrativa publicada en La Ilustración y si tenemos que detenernos en las obras de más calidad que allí aparecen, será en este tipo de relatos, puesto que los textos narrativos originales, muy a menudo publicados sin firma de autor, resultan de muy escaso interés. Solo podemos contra con la excepción de dos relatos de José Güell y Renté (Anacaona y Quibiam) y uno de Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda: La baronesa de Joux. No representa, pues, La Ilustración una fuente de importancia para la narración española del medio siglo. Su posición subordinada al Semanario Pintoresco Español impidió que la publicación desarrollara una línea de narraciones de calidad. Es testimonio, sin embargo, de un proceso de industrialización de la labor periodística y literaria que estaba desarrollándose con gran celeridad si tenemos en cuenta el fracaso de El Artista y del No me olvides apenas quince años antes. A la altura del medio siglo el periodismo literario se había convertido en una industria que exigía ingentes esfuerzos de trabajo y una producción torrencial.

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Grady distinguishes two main types of metaphor in order to provide a solution in the controversies stemming from the conceptual theory of metaphor: correlation-based metaphors and resemblance metaphors. In “correlation-based metaphors”, the source domain is sensory-motor, while the target domain is not. On the contrary, “resemblance metaphors” are originated by a physical or conceptual perception which is common in both domains, by the association of concepts with common features. Primary metaphors are the minimal units of correlation-based metaphors; they are inherent in human nature and the result of the nature of our brain, our body and the world that we inhabit. We acquire them automatically and we cannot avoid them. Furthermore, as corporal experiences are universal, so are primary metaphors. In this paper, I will argue that primary metaphors manifest themselves visually through scene-setting techniques such as composition, framing, camera movement or lighting. Film-makers can use the different aspects of mise-en-scène metaphorically in order to express abstract notions like evil, importance, control, relationship or confusion. Such visual manifestations, as also occurs with their verbal equivalents, frequently go unnoticed or have been used so often that they have become clichés. But the important thing to bear in mind is that their origin lies in a primary metaphor and due to this origin these kinds of film-making strategies have been so expressively successful.

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A manuscript treatise on prayer, ablution, alms, fasting, divorce, etc. The first volume opens with a chapter on "Tawḥīd", i.e. Islamic theology. This is followed by a chapter on Abū Ḥanīfah and his school of law.

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There has been a tremendous increase in our knowledge of hum motor performance over the last few decades. Our theoretical understanding of how an individual learns to move is sophisticated and complex. It is difficult however to relate much of this information in practical terms to physical educators, coaches, and therapists concerned with the learning of motor skills (Shumway-Cook & Woolcott, 1995). Much of our knowledge stems from lab testing which often appears to bear little relation to real-life situations. This lack of ecological validity has slowed the flow of information from the theorists and researchers to the practitioners. This paper is concerned with taking some small aspects of motor learning theory, unifying them, and presenting them in a usable fashion. The intention is not to present a recipe for teaching motor skills, but to present a framework from which solutions can be found. If motor performance research has taught us anything, it is that every individual and situation presents unique challenges. By increasing our ability to conceptualize the learning situation we should be able to develop more flexible and adaptive responses to the challege of teaching motor skills. The model presented here allows a teacher, coach, or therapist to use readily available observations and known characteristics about a motor task and to conceptualize them in a manner which allows them to make appropriate teaching/learning decisions.

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Feminist movements have allowed many female authors to become decisive and influential figures in literary history by studying their experiences, voices and forms of resistance. This thesis, however, focuses specifically on religious women, those seeking divine comfort outside the confines of institutional laws, or those who, out of protest, are caught in the middle. Founded on historical and feminist perspectives, this study examines the heterodox resistance of six French women living within or outside of Church boundaries during the 17th and 18th centuries: two eras that are particularly significant for women’s progress and modernity. This work strives to demonstrate how these women, doubly subjected to Church discourse and that of society, managed to live out their vocation (female and Christian) and make social, cultural and religious statements that contributed to changing the place of women in society. It aims to grasp the similarities and differences between the actions and ideas of women belonging to both the religious and secular spheres. Regardless of the century, the space and their background, women resist to masculine, patriarchal, ecclesial, political and social mediation and institutions. In locating examples of how they oppose the practices, rules and constraints that are imposed upon them, as well as of their exclusion from the socio-political space, this thesis also seeks to identify epistemological changes that mark the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. This thesis firstly outlines the necessary feminist theory upon which the project is based before identifying the evolution of women’s positions within the socio-ideological and political framework in which they lived. The questions of confession and spiritual direction are of particular interest since they serve as prime examples of masculine mediation and its issues and consequences – most notably the control of the female body and mind. The illustration of bodily metamorphoses bear testament to ideological changes, cultural awareness and female subjectivity, just as the scriptural inscriptions of unorthodox ideas and writing. The female body, both object and subject of the quest for individual and collective liberties, attests, in this way, to the movement towards Enlightenment values of freedom and justice.

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Executive Summary. Both the Commission’s proposal for a ‘Competitiveness and Convergence Instrument’ and the ‘contractual arrangement’ presented by President Van Rompuy share a common concept: associating EU money with national structural reforms under a binding arrangement. The targeted ‘structural reforms’ are the labour market reforms and product and services market reforms in eurozone ‘peripheral’ countries facing the most severe external imbalances. Their implementation would speed up and facilitate the ‘internal devaluation’ process of these countries. In the worst case scenario, failure to adopt the necessary reforms and to adjust wages and prices downwards may lead the most vulnerable countries to leave the eurozone under social and political pressure. Contracts seek to reduce this risk by increasing compliance with the country-specific recommendations for structural reforms issued by the EU institutions within the European Semester, and in particular with the Macroeconomic Imbalance Procedure (MIP). As for the financial support, it follows two different, albeit overlapping rationales. First, the perspective of obtaining EU funding would incentivize the governments of vulnerable countries to adopt reforms that would bear a high political and social cost in the short term. That is, without some form of incentive, it is unlikely that the necessary reforms would be undertaken and this could have significant negative consequences for the EMU as a whole. The second rationale amounts to outright solidarity: EU support is needed to cushion the inevitable socio-economic costs implied not only by the structural reform, but also by the internal devaluation taking place. To make sense of contractual arrangements, some points should be considered in future discussions: 1. Contracts on a voluntary basis only: Contracts cannot be mandatory unlike initially suggested in the Van Rompuy report. This stems not only from the inherent definition of a ‘contract’ – where mutual consent is key – but also from the non-binding nature of the preventive arm of the MIP. Making the country-specific recommendations issued by the EU institutions systematically binding would imply transfers of sovereignty from the national to the EU level that go well beyond the present discussion. Instead, contracts would introduce the possibility of making the preventive arm binding for some countries where corrections are most needed and urgent for the EMU as a whole.

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From the Introduction. CSR grows at different rhythms. CSR varies from continent to continent, country from country, sector from sector and corporation from corporation. The Responsible Competitive Index (RCI) from the UK NGO Accountability and the Brazilian Business School, Fundaçao Dom Cabral, looks at how countries are performing in their efforts to promote responsible business practices and issues periodical indexes about such performances. The RCI’s index for 2007 analysed 108 countries (96% of global GDP). The analysis showed that more advanced economies do better in this area. The top 20 countries, by the ranking order of best performance, were the following: 1 Sweden, 2 Denmark, 3 Finland, 4 Iceland, 5 UK, 6 Norway, 7 New Zealand, 8 Ireland, 9 Australia, 10 Canada, 11 Germany, 12, Netherlands, 13 Switzerland, 14 Belgium, 15 Singapore, 16 Austria, 17 France, 18 USA, 19 Japan, and 20 Hong Kong, etc. However, it is important to bear in mind that advanced economies have often moved their more dirty industries to other parts of the world where there are less stringent environmental and social standards. As a result, other countries may be polluting on their behalf, and the indexes do not factor those in.2

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Ce travail est une analyse exhaustive des romans publiés par l’écrivain chilien Alejandro Zambra entre 2006 et 2011. Compte tenu de son appartenance à la génération postdictatoriale, on va se concentrer sur la reconstruction autofictionnelle de l’enfance, et sur la façon dont elle reproduit, questionne et renverse le récit dictatorial dominant qui relègue les enfants sur le plan des personnages secondaires. Pour identifier le développement du discours, on va s’appuyer sur des outils critiques de la génétique littéraire dont le concept central « d’avant-texte » nous permet de faire une lecture rétrospective de Bonsái et de La vida privada de los árboles comme des précurseurs idéologiques de Formas de volver a casa. En raison de la centralité jouée par l’espace dans ces romans, on va consacrer une grande partie du travail à la représentation spatiale et la manière dont l’espace configure la position des personnages à l’intérieur du schème narratif. C’est dans cette relation que l’on identifie la dichotomie spatiale élaborée dans les œuvres, car l’espace et la vie privée sont reliés à l’inertie et la résignation dans l’univers textuel, tandis que l’action et le questionnement appartiennent au domaine de l’espace et la vie publics. Lus l’un après l’autre, les romans témoignent du parcours suivi de l’écrivain, qui assimile le récit dictatorial en évitant la confrontation narrative au début, pour, par la suite, approcher le passé, l’histoire familiale et la dictature, dans un processus autofictionnel qui projette les différentes voies du retour chez soi.

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En prenant pour appui initial le caractère équivoque de la communication, cette dissertation interroge les manières par lesquelles la vie en commun prend aussi effet comme œuvre de mort. S’inspirant du renouvellement de la recherche sur le thème de la communauté, l’interrogation se déploie en trois mouvements principaux. Chacun de ces mouvements ouvre et négocie trois grandes impasses : épistémologique, politique et éthique. La recherche propose de s’y frayer un chemin en s’appuyant principalement sur les travaux de Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben et Roberto Esposito. Le premier mouvement ouvre au voilement de l’idée de communication. L’idée de communication est voilée par une idéologie qui hérite elle-même d’une certaine conception humaniste de la communauté. Un examen de l’essai de Pic de la Mirandole Sur la dignité de l’homme permet d’exposer les valeurs associées à cette tradition qui recouvrent le caractère ambivalent de la communication. Ce premier mouvement mène au seuil de la situation politique contemporaine, marquée notamment par la nécessité de penser « notre » condition après la crise des valeurs humanistes. Le deuxième mouvement s’applique à l’examen de trois événements politiques contemporains. Chacun donne à comprendre comment s’exprime le péril associé à ce voilement : la fusillade au Collège Dawson de Montréal en 2006, un incident impliquant l’usage de gaz lacrymogènes lors de manifestations menées en 2013 à la Place Taksim à Istanbul, en Turquie, et une analyse de la crise de la dette publique grecque. L’aporie qui articule communication et incommunicabilité y est examinée à partir des thèmes de l’incommensurabilité des modes de vie en commun, de la biopolitique et du fascisme. Le fait que le péril qui menace de « nous » partager soit encore, malgré tout, ce que « nous » avons en partage invite à avancer là où aucune voie ne semble s’ouvrir. Le troisième mouvement présente les manières par lesquelles l’aporie de la communication peut être saisie en montrant qu’il est possible de penser par delà l’opposition de la communication et de la non-communication. Ce problème est abordé à l’horizon de la tradition philosophique concernant la question de l’être. Le saisissement du commun comme d’un propre — l’appropriation de l’inappropriable — ouvre à une conception de la communication « hors du commun ». Ces trois mouvements ne portent pas jusqu’à une conclusion. Ils ouvrent plutôt sur une autre conception de la communication. Celle-ci expose la possibilité sans cesse reconduite de l’événement fragile et intime dont « nous » sommes le nom.

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Hannah Arendt est surtout connue pour avoir écrit une magistrale enquête historique sur le totalitarisme (Les origines du totalitarisme) et pour avoir défendu une conception exigeante de la politique développée dans un langage réputé pour être très hellénisant. Cette façon de concevoir la politique repose principalement sur le concept d’action qu’Arendt travaille à redéfinir au sein d’un contexte historique et d’une tradition qui témoignent, selon elle, d’un « oubli de l’action ». Ce qu’Arendt reproche au premier chef à la tradition de la philosophie politique est d’avoir confondu, dès ses premiers balbutiements, le faire et l’agir, interprétant ce dernier à l’aune de la fabrication (poiesis) et recouvrant du même souffle la spécificité de l’action (praxis). Sa propre théorie politique travaille ainsi à repenser l’action pour elle-même et à en faire de nouveau le centre de la vie politique. C’est donc notamment en se référant aux expériences politiques pré-philosophiques athéniennes qu’Arendt parvient à illustrer les potentialités que recèle l’action comprise comme spontanéité dévoilante. Or, il nous apparaît que ses efforts achoppent finalement sur le contexte moderne et que ce fait n’échappe probablement pas à Arendt elle-même. L’impasse suscitée par la modernité est ainsi à nos yeux l’occasion de mettre au jour un versant plus proprement poétique de l’œuvre d’Arendt, se dessinant en filigrane de sa théorie politique et qui n’est que très peu abordé au sein de la littérature secondaire francophone. Pour ce faire, nous proposons dans un premier temps d’interroger les efforts d’Arendt pour valoriser l’action politique afin de faire ressortir les ressources de ce concept. Dans un second temps, nous confrontons le concept d’action au contexte moderne tel que le conçoit Arendt pour montrer qu’il existe dans ses écrits un modèle alternatif de rapport au monde et à autrui que celui mis en avant par l’action et que cet autre modèle doit énormément au poétique.

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Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.

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Introduction. Ten years have elapsed since Malta’s accession in the European Union. One can still recall vividly the intense and acrimonious campaign prior to the membership referendum and the ensuing electoral victory that confirmed the Nationalist Party (PN) in power under the leadership of Edward Fenech Adami in 2003. In both cases the Maltese voted in favour of entry into the EU. During both exercises in democracy the Maltese were exposed to the rhetoric of both prophets of doom and prophets of plenty. For the former accession meant a loss of national and territorial independence, for the latter it meant the beginning of opportunity for all and, in some cases, the answer to all of Malta’s woes. Now, ten years later, a further appraisal of Malta’s membership and place in the European Union is called for. The purpose of this paper, however, is to reflect upon how this membership has affected the Roman Catholic Church in Malta and what prospects lie ahead for the Catholic community within Maltese society that remains in a state of constant flux on both the social and the religious level. It traces the major events that have accelerated the transformation of Malta into a secular society. The paper describes how these events, together with pressures that are being brought to bear by secular movements upon Maltese society, are profoundly affecting its Catholic identity and redrawing its moral landscape. It also discusses ways and means by which the Catholic Church in Malta can address these challenges and contribute towards the construction of a more humane Maltese society. In order to achieve this, it must first and foremost remain a coherent witness of a faith that is forever alive, dynamic and relevant.

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On the fifth anniversary of the Orange Revolution and in the final period of the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko, who then embodied the hopes for state reform, a tentative assessment of the situation in Ukraine is appropriate. Did the revolutionary social upheaval bear revolutionary fruit? Have democratic mechanisms strengthened? Has the post-Soviet oligarchic state model been overcome? Has media freedom expanded? Has there been any progress with regard to economic transformation? Has integration with the European structures materialised? Five years on, what remains of the hopes of millions of Ukrainians and of the goodwill of the international community?