922 resultados para Lisbon Treaty
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"Concluded at ... Washington ... District of Columbia."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"March 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, and 30, and May 16, 1988"--Pt. 6.
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Tom Connally, chairman.
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"Notes on mammals collected and observed in the northern Mackenzie River district ... with remarks on explorers and explorations of the far North, by R. MacFarlane": p. 151-283.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Joshua W. Alexander, Chairman.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes indexes.
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A tanulmány azt vizsgálja, hogy a lisszaboni stratégia utódja, az Európa 2020 stratégia esetén indokolt lehet-e a régi és az új tagállamok eltérő kezelése. Mindehhez elsősorban a lisszaboni stratégia tapasztalatait, illetve a tagállamok teljesítményét tekinti át. Arra következtetésre jutottunk, hogy a kutatás-fejlesztés valamint a környezeti fenntarthatósági szempontot tükröző energiaintenzitási mutató esetében kiemelten szükséges a stratégia finomhangolása. A K+F célkitűzés csak hosszú távon releváns a felzárkózó országok számára, rövid távon elsősorban a kohéziót hatékonyabban támogató beruházásélénkítésre kell helyezni a hangsúlyt. A differenciált megközelítés a foglalkoztatási területre is igaz. E terület sajátossága azonban, hogy a tagállamok közötti törésvonal itt nem az EU15-ök és az EU12-ek között húzódik, hanem megfigyelhető a jól ismert észak-dél törésvonal is. A foglalkoztatás terén tehát a déli tagállamok differenciált kezelése is indokolt lehet. / === / The paper asks whether the differential treatment of EU member states would be warranted in case the successor of the Lisbon Strategy, the Europe 2020 Strategy. It examines the performance of member states in the past decade, and arrives to the conclusion that some "fine-tuning" would be required in case of the new strategy, especially in the fields of R&D and energy intensity. R&D is only relevant for the new member states in the longer run, in the short run however policies promoting cohesion seem more important. Differential treatment would also be required in issues related to employment, but here the main divide is not between the old and new member states, but rather between the northern and southern ones.
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Ten years after the unanimous approval of the Lisbon Strategy at a special meeting of the European Council on 23-24 March 2000 in Lisbon, it will be inevitable for the European Council, the European Commission and the majority of the EU member states to face with its fi asco and to account for the reasons of their fundamental policy, governance and economic failures in 2010. The recent turbulence of the global economy offers some excuses for the underperformance of the main objectives of the Lisbon Strategy in the essential social and economic domains, like job creation, economic growth, and environmental sustainability. Negative growth rates, macroeconomic and fi nancial instability, the contraction of the internal and external markets of the European economy, drop in demand for capital investment, goods and services, sinking corporate revenues, depreciation of corporate assets, increasing private and public indebtedness, falling rate of employment, weakening social cohesion, widening social inequality, and so forth not only deprive the majority of the EU member states of fulfi lling the main objectives of the Lisbon Strategy but also drive them into worse social and economic conditions in many policy domains than they were in 2000.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a product of the Cold War through which its members organized their military forces for the purpose of collective defense against the common threat of Soviet-backed aggression. Employing the terminology of regime theory, the creation of NATO can be viewed as the introduction of an international security regime. Throughout the Cold War, NATO member states preserved their commitment to mutual defense while increasingly engaging in activities aimed at overcoming the division of Europe and promoting regional stability. The end of the Cold War has served as the catalyst for a new period of regime change as the Alliance introduced elements of a collective security regime by expanding its mandate to address new security challenges and reorganizing both its political and military organizational structures. ^ This research involves an interpretive analysis of NATO's evolution applying ideal theoretical constructs associated with distinct approaches to regime analysis. The process of regime change is investigated over several periods throughout the history of the Alliance in an effort to understand the Alliance's changing commitment to collective security. This research involves a review of regime theory literature, consisting of an examination of primary source documentation, including official documents and treaties, as well as a review of numerous secondary sources. This review is organized around a typology of power-based, organization-based, and norm-based approaches to regime analysis. This dissertation argues that the process of regime change within NATO is best understood by examining factors associated with multiple theoretical constructs. Relevant factors provide insights into the practice of collective security among NATO member states within Europe, while accounting for the inability of the NATO allies to build on the experience gained within Europe to play a more central role in operations outside of this region. This research contributes to a greater understanding of the nature of international regimes and the process of regime change, while offering recommendations aimed at increasing NATO's viability as a source of greater security and more meaningful international cooperation.^
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In view of the climate of instability and deep social inequalities, it has been evident in the Brazilian reality, a new way to punish systematic already developed and consolidated in other countries, in which, among other things, the criminality is anticipated only by danger that the individual sports. It appears, therefore, that the theory developed by Günter Jakobs, nominated Criminal Law of the Enemy, became subtly inserted in the Brazilian reality as well as in international relations signed. In this sense, the Brazilian State, in order to carry out the international legal cooperation in the criminal field, signed a mutual assistance agreement with the government of the United States of America. Forward the conclusion of Mutual legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT), the signatory countries voiced a desire to cooperate in order to facilitate the implementation of tasks of the authorities responsible for law enforcement in both countries, comprising research, investigation, prosecution and prevention of crime, said internalized adjustment in the Brazilian legal system by means of Decree No. 3810 of 02 May 2001. Alongside these considerations, the present study aims to analyze the Criminal law of the Enemy today, seeking to find evidence of that theory in the MLAT, international legal cooperation instrument signed between the government of the Federative Republic of Brazil and the government of the United States of America. Moreover, it has the objective to describe its effects on the Brazilian jurisdiction, especially as concerns the relativity and the suppression of human rights. Once done the introit, analysis will be carried out in the first chapter, on the definition and main features of the theory of Criminal Enemy of the law, it is imperative to approach the humanistic aspect that preceded the theory as well as the dealings given to some controversial issues surrounding it, such as the anticipation of the enemy's punishment and the disproportionality of the penalties imposed. In the second chapter will present the conceptual assumptions, historical evolution and the positives aspects, as well as the barriers and the pursuit of effectiveness of international legal cooperation. In the chapter, bedroom effective analysis of specific modality of cooperation will be held, the Mutual legal Assistance Treaty - MLAT in criminal matters, signed between the Federative Republic of Brazil and the United States of America, in which the general aspects will be addressed and the MLAT reflections on the Brazilian jurisdiction, which includes analysis about the relativity or suppression of human rights, future trends and creating stricter laws, followed by the presentation of the seized conclusion on the subject, in which, among other approaches, will be voiced understanding about the unconstitutionality certain service requests that, from these, there is the bad use of the agreed instrument.