917 resultados para German Foreign Policy
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A queda da ditadura, a 25 de Abril de 1974, veio colocar a Portugal múltiplos desafios. A par da definição da nova ordem a instituir, por determinar estava também a situação de Portugal no mundo, questão que ganha particular acuidade num momento em que se preparava o encerramento do seu ciclo imperial. É nosso objetivo analisar o contributo de José Medeiros Ferreira para a definição dos elementos da política externa do Portugal democrático, centrando a nossa atenção nas reflexões e iniciativas que desenvolve na qualidade de Secretário de Estado dos Negócios Estrangeiros (1975-1976) do VI Governo Provisório e Ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros (1976-1977) do I Governo Constitucional.
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El creciente peso que han alcanzado los mercados y diferentes actores económicos dentro de la escena política mundial, sugieren que estamos frente a un nuevo paradigma en lo que concierne al funcionamiento del Estado nación. El concepto de Geoeconomía surge como respuesta a los cambios que se han comenzado a configurar a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, a su vez que ilustra como a través de la concepción de estrategias de control económico se puede alcanzar dominio y poder en términos internacionales, bien sea a través de los Estados de manera directa o bajo su influencia o beneplácito a través de grandes grupos económicos. En efecto, el presente trabajo de investigación aborda desde la óptica Geoeconómica la progresiva colonización que ha emprendido el sistema financiero colombiano, y más propiamente el Grupo Bancolombia, sobre una serie de activos financieros estratégicos en Centroamérica. Del mismo modo, explica cómo este fenómeno ha traído consigo cambios sustanciales en la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales de Colombia con sus vecinos, a su vez que ha propiciado las condiciones de legitimidad necesarias para una serie de actores privados que podrían llegar incluso a ser capaces de moldear en cierta medida la política interior y exterior del país, tal y como ha sucedido en algunos episodios recientes.
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Constituindo-se a política externa qatari como objecto de investigação, esta dissertação propõe-se a efectuar a sua caracterização num período temporal definido entre a independência do Emirado do Qatar e, sensivelmente, até 2011, coincidindo com o início da designada ‘Primavera Árabe’. Assumem-se como objectivos centrais a identificação de alterações ao padrão de comportamento da política externa qatari, bem como a identificação das suas motivações. Para a concretização daquela linha de investigação e análise, serão analisados os casos da intervenção da política externa qatari na Tunísia, Egipto e Líbia, este último com particular relevo, na medida em que se constitui como um marco diferenciador no modus operandi da política externa qatari face à linha que vinha então sendo preconizada por Doha.
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320 p.
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No fim da guerra fria, teve início uma nova era para a Bundeswehr. Com a participação em missões no estrangeiro, surgiram novos desafios que influenciaram as diretrizes da defesa, a estrutura da força, a orientação e as necessidades de formação das forças armadas alemãs. Entre 1992 e 2010, foram implementadas alterações profundas para lidar com a nova situação da NATO e da Alemanha na organização. Em 2003, após várias reformas, o ministério da defesa considerou que reformas apenas não eram suficientes, e teve início o chamado processo de transformação. Este processo contínuo influenciou a "face da Bundeswehr mais profundamente do que qualquer outra alteração até à altura. A orientação em missões internacionais era o novo objetivo e uma consequência de experiências na Somália, Bósnia, Kosovo e Afeganistão. Além disso, a crise financeira para as despesas da defesa e a mudança da estrutura da força NATO influenciaram a Bundeswehr de forma semelhante, e impulsionaram a política de defesa alemã também para estas novas direções. A nova Bundeswehr orientada para missões foram moldadas e desenvolvidas de forma diferente, transformação é a nova palavra-chave e este processo contínuo mantém-se até hoje. Abstract: After the end of the cold war a new era began for the Bundeswehr. With the participation in missions out of area, new challenges came up and influenced the defense papers, force structure, orientation and training needs of the German armed forces. Within 1992 and 2010 several far-reaching changes were made, to deal with the new situation of the NATO and Germanys role within the organization. In 2003, after various reforms, reforms only were no longer sufficient in the eyes of acting minister of defense and the so called transformations process was initiated. This continuing process influenced the “face” of the Bundeswehr more deeply than any other changes before. The orientation on out of area missions was the new objective and a consequence from experiences in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Afghanistan. Beside of that, the financial downturn for defense expenditure and the changing NATO force structure influenced the Bundeswehr in a similar way and pushed the German defense policy into new directions as well. The new mission orientated Bundeswehr was shaped and built up differently, transformation is the new leading word and the ongoing process until today.
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Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
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O artigo trata da política externa dos Estados Unidos concernente ao Afeganistão. Nesse sentido, ele aponta a necessidade de mudar a atual diretriz militar, a fim de envolver os países da região enquanto se preparasse a retirada das tropas da OTAN. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
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O objetivo deste artigo é buscar compreender como o comércio exterior tem sido fundamental no processo de universalização da Política Externa da China (PECh) no século XXI. O argumento proposto é que a China tem utilizado o comércio exterior para promover o desenvolvimento e, consequentemente, para realizar a conversão do país à condição de potência mundial. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
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O artigo trata do fracasso da política externa norte-americana no Afeganistão. Aborda ainda a possibilidade de mudança caso o Partido Democrata vença as eleições presidenciais.
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La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.
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In this issue...Boycott, Lunch-In, Snack Bar, Coach Cullen, Booster Club, Track, Marijuana, President Nixon, Foreign Policy, Dictionaries, Football, Army, Navy
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This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan’s national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce “postwar Japan” as an identity distinct from “wartime imperial Japan” or from “defeated, emasculated Japan” and, thus, hoped to emerge as a “reborn” moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created “others” who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked (“old Japan”). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical “others,” and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan’s foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.
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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.
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The article highlights that the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy which characterised the dynamic of European Union (EU)–Russia relation during the post-Cold War period has remained stable throughout the Ukraine crisis. It identifies a pattern of continuity rather than change in the main characteristics of the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy: the post-Cold War order on the European continent, values and worldviews, perceptions of self and other, and policies towards each other and post-Soviet space. Secondly, in tune with neoclassical realism the article aims to account for the relative persistence of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. It argues that the dynamic of EU–Russia relations remained rather stable due to the fact that neither the EU nor Russian foreign policy has undergone major transformations (of both power, scope and organisation) that would provide incentive or constrains for a complete overhaul of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. Moreover, the article claims that the relative stability of world politics since the start of the Ukraine crisis has not given any the EU and Russia incentives – or constrained them – to seek to change the overall dynamic of their relationship.
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La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.