Social mobility in 20th century, Switzerland

The study of social mobility enables us to assess the extent to which a given society is "open". Addressing this issue is particularly crucial in our democratic societies, where it is expected that the place of individuals in society should no longer be determined at birth, but rather by individual quality. The present inquiry investigates this issue in the context of Switzerland, a country characterised by specific institutional settings, notably through the close association its educational system shares with the labour market. Through a detailed empirical analysis based on robust statistical analyses carried out from a unique tailor-made dataset, I demonstrate that Swiss society has not become more open throughout the twentieth century. Although some barriers have lost some salience, Swiss society has overall remained extremely rigid. In particular, because it channels individuals into highly segmented tracks very early on, the Swiss educational system does not attenuate social background differences. Thus, Switzerland is found in a particular configuration where an individual's place in society is highly determined not only by his or her educational attainment, but also by his or her social background. In other words, Switzerland constitutes a sort of "non-meritocratic meritocracy". - L'étude de la mobilité sociale permet d'évaluer dans quelle mesure une société donnée est « ouverte ». S'intéresser à cette question est particulièrement crucial dans nos sociétés démocratiques, où il est attendu que la place des individus ne soit plus déterminée à la naissance, mais plutôt par les qualités individuelles. La présente étude examine cette question dans le cadre de la Suisse, un pays aux caractéristiques institutionnelles spécifiques, particulièrement de part le lien étroit que son système éducatif entretien avec le marché du travail. A travers une analyse empirique détaillée fondée sur des analyses statistiques robustes menées à partir d'un jeu de données unique construit sur-mesure, je démontre que la société suisse n'est pas devenue plus ouverte au cours du 20ème siècle. Même si certaines barrières ont perdu de l'importance, dans son ensemble, la société suisse est restée extrêmement rigide. En particulier, parce qu'il oriente très tôt les individus dans des filières fortement segmentées, le système éducatif suisse n'atténue pas les différences entre milieux sociaux. Ainsi, la Suisse se trouve dans une configuration particulière où, d'une part, la place d'un individu dans la société est hautement déterminée par son niveau d'étude et, d'autre part, par son origine sociale. En d'autres termes, la Suisse apparaît comme une sorte de « méritocratie non-méritocratique ».

Origins and efficiency of the electric industry regulation in Spain, 1910-1936

The aim of this paper is to discover the origins of utility regulation in Spain, and to analyse, from a microeconomic perspective, its characteristics and the impact of regulation on consumers and utilities. Madrid and the Madrilenian utilities are taken as a case study. The electric industry in the period studied was a natural monopoly2. Each of the three phases of production, generation, transmission and distribution, had natural monopoly characteristics. Therefore, the most efficient form to generate, transmit and distribute electricity was the monopoly because one firm can produce a quantity at a lower cost than the sum of costs incurred by two or more firms. A problem arises because when a firm is the single provider it can charge prices above the marginal cost, at monopoly prices. When a monopolist reduces the quantity produced, price increases, causing the consumer to demand less than the economic efficiency level, incurring a loss of consumer surplus. The loss of the consumer surplus is not completely gained by the monopolist, causing a loss of social surplus, a deadweight loss. The main objective of regulation is going to be to reduce to a minimum the deadweight loss. Regulation is also needed because when the monopolist fixes prices at marginal cost equal marginal revenue there would be an incentive for firms to enter the market creating inefficiency. The Madrilenian industry has been chosen because of the availability of statistical information on costs and production. The complex industry structure and the atomised demand add interest to the analysis. This study will also provide some light on the tariff regulation of the period which has been poorly studied and will complement the literature on the US electric utilities regulation where a different type of regulation was implemented.

The de facto independence of regulatory agencies and its consequences for policy making and regulatory outcomes

This dissertation focuses on the practice of regulatory governance, throughout the study of the functioning of formally independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), with special attention to their de facto independence. The research goals are grounded on a "neo-positivist" (or "reconstructed positivist") position (Hawkesworth 1992; Radaelli 2000b; Sabatier 2000). This perspective starts from the ontological assumption that even if subjective perceptions are constitutive elements of political phenomena, a real world exists beyond any social construction and can, however imperfectly, become the object of scientific inquiry. Epistemologically, it follows that hypothetical-deductive theories with explanatory aims can be tested by employing a proper methodology and set of analytical techniques. It is thus possible to make scientific inferences and general conclusions to a certain extent, according to a Bayesian conception of knowledge, in order to update the prior scientific beliefs in the truth of the related hypotheses (Howson 1998), while acknowledging the fact that the conditions of truth are at least partially subjective and historically determined (Foucault 1988; Kuhn 1970). At the same time, a sceptical position is adopted towards the supposed disjunction between facts and values and the possibility of discovering abstract universal laws in social science. It has been observed that the current version of capitalism corresponds to the golden age of regulation, and that since the 1980s no government activity in OECD countries has grown faster than regulatory functions (Jacobs 1999). Following an apparent paradox, the ongoing dynamics of liberalisation, privatisation, decartelisation, internationalisation, and regional integration hardly led to the crumbling of the state, but instead promoted a wave of regulatory growth in the face of new risks and new opportunities (Vogel 1996). Accordingly, a new order of regulatory capitalism is rising, implying a new division of labour between state and society and entailing the expansion and intensification of regulation (Levi-Faur 2005). The previous order, relying on public ownership and public intervention and/or on sectoral self-regulation by private actors, is being replaced by a more formalised, expert-based, open, and independently regulated model of governance. Independent regulation agencies (IRAs), that is, formally independent administrative agencies with regulatory powers that benefit from public authority delegated from political decision makers, represent the main institutional feature of regulatory governance (Gilardi 2008). IRAs constitute a relatively new technology of regulation in western Europe, at least for certain domains, but they are increasingly widespread across countries and sectors. For instance, independent regulators have been set up for regulating very diverse issues, such as general competition, banking and finance, telecommunications, civil aviation, railway services, food safety, the pharmaceutical industry, electricity, environmental protection, and personal data privacy. Two attributes of IRAs deserve a special mention. On the one hand, they are formally separated from democratic institutions and elected politicians, thus raising normative and empirical concerns about their accountability and legitimacy. On the other hand, some hard questions about their role as political actors are still unaddressed, though, together with regulatory competencies, IRAs often accumulate executive, (quasi-)legislative, and adjudicatory functions, as well as about their performance.

Obedience-disobedience dynamic and the role of responsibility

Obedience has been thoroughly studied in social psychology, both in its positive and negative aspects. Nevertheless, in these empirical studies disobedience has been considered to be the opposite of obedience and indeed its negation. Instead, some recent studies suggest that if obedience to authority is important in ensuring the continuity of social and group life, disobedience is crucial, under some circumstances, in stopping the authority relationship from degenerating into an authoritarian relationship. In this perspective, disobedience may be conceived of as a protest undermining the legitimacy of authority, or else it can represent an instrument of the community for controlling the legitimacy of the authority's demands, becoming a factor safeguarding against authoritarianism. The aim of the present study was to empirically verify the dynamics existing between disobedience and obedience. The results show that people who attach importance to both obedience and disobedience in the relationship between the individual and society recognize the importance of democratic values and consider themselves responsible for the defence of human rights. Instead, people who only recognize the value of obedience and consider disobedience as a threat to the status quo are more authoritarian, individualistic people.

Entorns col•laboratius virtuals asíncrons basats en Web i enfocats en la gestió del coneixement = Web-based Asynchronous Collaborative Environments Focused on Knowledge Management

Report for the scientific sojourn at the University of California at Berkeley, USA, from september 2007 until july 2008. Communities of Learning Practice is an innovative paradigm focused on providing appropriate technological support to both formal and especially informal learning groups who are chiefly formed by non-technical people and who lack of the necessary resources to acquire such systems. Typically, students who are often separated by geography and/or time have the need to meet each other after classes in small study groups to carry out specific learning activities assigned during the formal learning process. However, the lack of suitable and available groupware applications makes it difficult for these groups of learners to collaborate and achieve their specific learning goals. In addition, the lack of democratic decision-making mechanisms is a main handicap to substitute the central authority of knowledge presented in formal learning.

Law and the practise of principle in diverse societies

Projecte de recerca elaborat a partir d’una estada a la London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom, entre 2007 i 2009. L’objecte principal del projecte ha estat analitzar les implicacions jurídico-polítiques i institucionals d’una teoria de la justícia i la igualtat liberals aplicada a societats multiculturals amb un marcat predomini de la diversitat cultural. L’anàlisi desenvolupa una línia d'investigació interdisciplinar - entre el dret i la teoria política - iniciada en una tesis doctoral sobre multiculturalisme i drets de les minories culturals (UPF, 2000) que va culminar en la publicació de Group Rights as Human Rights (Springer, 2006). La recerca adopta com a punt de partida les conclusions de l'esmentada obra, en especial, la rellevància del reconeixement de drets col•lectius; tanmateix, el tipus de qüestions plantejades, l’enfoc i la metodologia emprades són substancialment diferents. En concret, s'adrecen preguntes específiques sobre el model i aspiracions del constitucionalisme democràtic i el paper del dret en contextos multiculturals. També s’atorga un pes central a la dimensió institucional dels models de gestió de la diversitat que s’analitzen, prioritzant un enfocament comparatiu a partir de l’estudi de controvèrsies concretes. L’objectiu és superar algunes limitacions importants de la literatura actual, com ara la tendència a examinar en abstracte la compatibilitat de determinades demandes amb el constitucionalisme democràtic, sense abordar el funcionament d'estratègies de gestió de la diversitat cultural emprades en contextos concrets. Els treballs producte d'aquest projecte articulen les línies bàsiques d’un model pluralista, basat en principis més que en regles, que desafia els plantejaments dominants actualment. Aquest model es caracteritza pel compromís amb la legitimitat i igualtat comparatives, rebutjant el paternalisme i les visions liberals típiques sobre el paper de la regulació. La presumpció de l’“standing” moral dels grups identitaris és fonamental per tal de considerar-los interlocutors vàlids amb interessos genuïns. També s’argumenta que la integració social en contextos multiculturals no depèn tant de l’eliminació del conflicte sinó, sobre tot, d’una gestió eficient que eviti abusos de poder sistemàtics. El model defensa el rol del dret en la institucionalització del diàleg intercultural, però admet que el diàleg no necessàriament condueix a l’acord o a una estructura reguladora coherent i uniforme. Les aspiracions del ordre jurídic pluralista són més modestes: afavorir la negociació i resolució en cada conflicte, malgrat la persistència de la fragmentació i la provisionalitat dels acords. La manca d'un marc regulador comú esdevé una virtut en la mesura que permet la interacció de diferents subordres; una interacció governada per una multiplicitat de regles no necessàriament harmòniques. Els avantatges i problemes d’aquest model s'analitzen a partir de l'anàlisi de l’estructura fragmentària de l'ordre jurídic internacional i del règim Europeu de drets humans.

Intra-Party Democracy and middle-level elites in Spain

The gradual implementation of new, more participatory and thus, more democratic mechanisms of intra-party decision-making has been pointed out by several party politics scholars. This phenomenon has been studied as the party elite’s reactions to a widespread trend in Western countries: the party membership decline. Spain is still a deviant case in both the party membership decline trend, and with regards to the introduction of more participatory and democratic decision-making mechanisms. However, the paper point out that support for intra-party democracy is quite widespread within Spanish party middle elites (party delegates). That is why the aim of this paper is to explain which factors are underpinning the supports for intra-party democracy amongst Spanish party delegates. After conducting a multivariate analysis, the results show that ideology, the involvement in intra-party experiences and the degree of pragmatism, amongst others, are factors strongly associated with the support for intraparty democracy in Spanish party middle elites.

Recent studies on Schistosoma intercalatum: taxonomic status, puzzling distribution and transmission foci revisited

Schistosoma intercalatum, which causes human rectal schistosomiasis in Africa, still presents a great interest for its imprecise taxonomic status and its puzzling distribution in Africa. Two geographically isolated strains of S. intercalatum are recognized, the Lower Guinea strain and the Congo strain, which differ from each other in a number of morphological, biological and biochemical characteristics. Recent molecular data using RAPD markers indicate high divergence between the two strains, with values of Nei and Li's similarity indice allowing recognition of two genetically distinct taxa: experiments on pre- and post-isolating mechanisms are in progress in order to re-evaluate the taxonomic status of this polytypic species. With regard to its geographical distribution, S. intercalatum is characterized by the existence of two stable endemic areas (localized in Lower Guinea and North East of Democratic Republic of Congo) which correspond to the historical areas of species discovery, and the emergence during the last 15 years of new foci of the Lower Guinea strain outside previously known endemic areas. The absence of local adaptation of the Lower Guinea strain to its intermediate host, supported by experimental studies, may help to facilitate the spread of this strain. Nevertheless, the present restricted distribution of this species remains puzzling, because its potential snail hosts (bulinids) are widely distributed throughout much of Africa. Recent experimental and epidemiological studies suggest that interspecific sexual interactions between human schistosomes could have a role in limiting the distribution of S. intercalatum: the competitive sexual processes acting among human schistosomes show that S. haematobium and S. mansoni are always competitively dominant over S. intercalatum. These epidemiological observations lead the authors to distinguish three kinds of transmission foci for S. intercalatum.

Does VAA popularity pay off ? : Smartvote users preferred candidates and their results in the 2007 Swiss federal elections

Voting is fundamental for democracy, however, this decisive democratic act requires quite an effort. Decision making at elections depends largely on the interest to gather information about candidates and parties, the effort to process the information at hand and the motivation to reach a vote choice. Especially in electoral systems with highly fragmented party systems and hundreds of candidates running for office, the process of decision making in the pre‐election sphere is highly demanding. In the age of information and communication technologies, new possibilities for gathering and processing such information are available. Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) provide guidance to voters prior to the act of voting and assist voters in choosing between different candidates and parties on the basis of issue congruence. Meanwhile widely used all over the world, scientific inquiry into the effect of such tools on electoral behavior is ongoing. This paper adds to the current debate by focusing on whether the popularity of candidates on the Swiss VAA smartvote eventually paid off at the 2007 Swiss federal elections and whether there is a direct link between the performance of a candidate on the tool and his or her electoral performance.

Régulation de la religion par l'Etat. Nouvelles perspectives

Analyser les modalités de la régulation de la religion constitue une étape importante pour expliquer la recomposition de la religion en modernité tardive. Face aux interprétations dérivées des concepts d'individualisation ou de privatisation, l'affirmation peut apparaître provocante, puisqu'elle met en question l'idée d'autonomie du sujet croyant et la pertinence de l'utilisation sociologique du terme privé. Le traitement de cette problématique est particulièrement adéquat pour évaluer le rôle de l'État. Même si ce dernier n'est qu'un des agents de régulation à côté des médias, des organisations religieuses..., il contribue de façon souveraine au filtrage de la religion « acceptable ». Son mode de gestion varie d'un pays à l'autre, allant du pluralisme libéral au pluralisme technocratique. L'élaboration d'une typologie de ces modes de gestion s'avère donc indispensable. Sa vérification peut s'opérer au travers de l'étude comparative de la place faite à la religion dans les programmes scolaires. Elle éclaire en particulier le caractère pluraliste des États démocratiques et leur capacité à articuler valeurs économiques et valeurs humanistes. An analysis of the ways in which religion is regulated constitutes an important step in understanding the reconstructions of religion in late modernity. Such a stance can appear provocative, especially if contrasted with explanations that derive from concepts such as individualisation or privatisation, since it puts into question both the autonomy of the individual believer and the aptness of the term "private" in sociological understanding. These issues are particularly relevant when it comes to evaluating the role of the state. It is true that the latter is but one source of control, alongside the media, or religious organisations...; its influence is, however, dominant when it comes to deciding which forms of religion are, or are not, "acceptable". The methods vary from one country to another, ranging from liberal pluralism to technocratic pluralism. Hence the need to elaborate a typology, illustrating the different ways of working. It can be tested by comparing the place given to religion in different school systems. Above all such an approach reveals the pluralist character of the democratic state and its capacity to articulate both economic and humanistic values.

Más allá de una distinción dicotómica del apoyo a la democracia: diversos perfiles de no demócratas

El apoyo ciudadano a la democracia constituye un requisito fundamental de los modernos regímenes democráticos, tanto respecto de su estabilidad y consolidación como de la calidad de su funcionamiento. En este marco, la legitimidad democrática pertenece a la dimensión de creencias ciudadanas respecto de que la democracia y sus instituciones son las más apropiadas (de hecho, las únicas aceptables) como régimen de gobierno. Sin perjuicio de lo anterior, no todos los ciudadanos expresan este conjunto de actitudes positivas hacia el régimen democrático. En gran parte de las nuevas democracias un número considerable de personas o bien no entregan un apoyo abierto a la democracia o, expresan actitudes contradictorias hacia los regímenes democráticos. Este grupo de individuos ha sido normalmente tratado por la literatura como un solo grupo homogéneo, que responde sin más consideraciones a la etiqueta de “no demócratas”. Sin embargo, tal como esta investigación pretende demostrar, existen razones teóricas y empíricas para esperar que no haya un único perfil de ciudadanos que no apoya la democracia. Por el contrario, sería posible encontrar y analizar diversos perfiles de “no demócratas”, que explican sus diferencias de acuerdo a distintas objeciones hacia la democracia. Esto es, las razones que se tienen para no entregar un apoyo difuso a la democracia no serían las mismas en todos los casos. De esta forma se derivan las siguientes preguntas de investigación: ¿Cuáles son los argumentos teóricos y empíricos que permiten distinguir diversos tipos de “no demócratas”? ¿Cuáles son las distintas objeciones hacia la democracia (razones) que configuran estos perfiles diversos? Sin embargo, no basta con responder sólo a estas preguntas. Es necesario avanzar en esta línea argumental, preguntándose respecto de la relevancia de distinguir distintos perfiles de “no demócratas”. Así, surge una tercera pregunta: ¿Bajo qué circunstancias tiene relevancia efectuar una distinción entre quienes no apoyan la democracia?

El control de la informació a Catalunya : regulació i autoregulació dels periodistes i mitjans de comunicació

S'hi estudia el paper dels mitjans de comunicació en el sistema democràtic i la manera com la deontologia pot ajudar a pal·liar alguns dels abusos o desviacions de l'ètica que hauria de presidir el comportament de periodistes i mitjans. També s'hi analitza el control que cal establir sobre aquests protagonistes davant l'actual concentració d'empreses de comunicació.

La desafecció política : desvinculació amb el sistema democràtic dels ciutadans a Palma de Mallorca

Aquesta recerca analitza la desafecció política que experimenten els ciutadans de Palma de Mallorca, tractada com una desvinculació amb el sistema democràtic que és gestionat pels polítics. La recerca explica el que una mostra de població pensa de la democràcia i de la vida política. Els conceptes principals -desafecció política i sistema democràtic- vehiculen tot el contingut del treball.

El futur de les democràcies a Bolívia i Equador

Segons L'índex de Desenvolupament Democràtic d'Amèrica Llatina (IDD-Lat 2004) tot i que a la zona hi ha símbols democràtics com eleccions periòdiques, alternança en el poder per part dels partits polítics, divisió de poders, en alguns dels països llatinoamericans també s'hi ha trobat signes de debilitat del sistema democràtic.

Los efectos sobre el medio ambiente en las nuevas democracias, las dictaduras y las democracias tradicionales

El principal objeto de esta investigación es determinar y evaluar si la evolución o transición hacia formas cerradas o abiertas de gobernar -autocracias y democracias- ha llevado aparejada una menor o mayor contribución a la calidad del medio ambiente. La conclusión es clara, los nuevos gobiernos democráticos tienen más probabilidades de responder a los intereses medioambientales y, por lo tanto, son más propensos a respaldar las convenciones internacionales que las autocracias.