Characterizing the controls on surface alkalinity in Nootka Sound, British Columbia

Senior thesis written for Oceanography 445

How does globalization affect the tax burden on labour income, capital income and consumption in different welfare regimes? The case of Western and Eastern EU Member States

This article analyzes the effects of globalization on implicit tax rates (ITRs) on labor income, capital income, and consumption in the EU15 and Central and Eastern European New Member States (CEE NMS). We find supportive evidence for an increase in the ITR on labor income in the EU15, but no effect on the ITR on capital income. There is evidence of convergence in terms of the ITR on consumption, as countries with higher than average ITR on consumption respond to globalization by decreasing their tax rates. There are important differences among the welfare regimes within the EU15. Social-democratic countries have decreased the tax burden on capital, but increased that on labor due to globalization. Globalization exerts a pressure to increase taxes on labor income in the conservative and liberal regimes as well. Taxes on consumption decrease in response to globalization in the conservative and social-democratic regimes. In the CEE NMS, there is no effect of globalization on the ITR on labor and capital income, but we find a negative impact on the ITR on consumption in the CEE NMS with higher than average ITR on consumption. (JEL H23, H24, H25, F19, F21)

Handling the transfer of power: a note on the 1964 origins of the Douglas‐Home rules

Opposition is rarely a good preparation for government. The only post‐war government to enter office confident, well‐acquainted with the Civil Service and with a fund of administrative experience to draw on was the Attlee administration formed in 1945. The longer a party spends in opposition the more these assets disappear. Labour, by the end of the long period of Conservative rule in 1951–64, was largely unfamiliar with the burdens of office. This formed the background to the formulation of the Douglas‐Home rules, whereby informal contact is permitted between the Civil Service and the Opposition in advance of a general election. Since 1964 this arrangement has gradually become more extensive (especially after Neil Kinnock complained that the period for contact was too brief during the run‐up to the 1992 election) and more formalised. In late 1993 John Major agreed that contacts could be made from early 1996 in advance of the next election, rather than only during the last six months of a parliament, as had by then become the convention.’ The object of this short paper is, however, to explain how these rules originated.

Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1924–9) and the return to the gold standard

The general election of 29 October 1924 saw Winston Churchill return to Parliament as Constitutionalist MP for Epping after two years in the political wilderness. It also saw Stanley Baldwin swept back to Number 10 on a Conservative landslide. Speculation about whether Baldwin would cement Churchill’s drift from the Liberal fold by offering him office surfaced during the election campaign. Churchill nevertheless thought ‘it very unlikely that I shall be invited to join the Government, as owing to the size of the majority it will probably be composed only of impeccable Conservatives’. [ 1 ] Because of his anti-socialist credentials, his ability to reassure wavering Liberals through his opposition to protectionism – dropped by Baldwin after its rejection in the 1923 general election – and concern he could prove a rallying point for backbench malcontents, there was however much to commend giving Churchill a post. To his surprise, Baldwin offered Churchill the long-coveted office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, briefly held by his father before his ill-conceived resignation in 1887. Having arranged a meeting with his Labour predecessor, Philip Snowden, about outstanding business the new Chancellor set to work. Marking his political transition, a few days later Churchill resigned from the National Liberal Club.

Reassessing the impact of yesterday's men

This special seminar to explore the controversy surrounding the Yesterday's Men programme of 1971, and its subsequent significance in the history of British political documentaries, was held at the Institute of Historical Research, London, on 26 January 1994. The seminar opened with a re‐screening of the programme, which featured interviews with Harold Wilson, the then leader of the opposition to Edward Heath's new Conservative government, front bench opposition spokesmen including Roy Jenkins, Tony Crosland and Denis Healey, and the political correspondent Peter Jenkins. The discussion was introduced by Dr Jean Seaton and chaired by Professor Peter Hennessy. The principal participants were Joe Haines (Chief Press Secretary to Harold Wilson 1969–76), Brian Wenham (editor, Panorama 1969–71, Head of BBC Current Affairs Group 1971–78) and John Grist (Head of BBC Current Affairs Group 1967–71, Controller, BBC English Regions 1972–77), with further contributions from Philip Whitehead, Professor Ben Pimlott, Peter Rose, David Benn, Professor Colin Seymour‐Ure, Joanna Kayford, Rosaleen Hughes, Hugh Purcell, Murray Weston and Chloe Miller.

Convergence in word structure: revisiting agglutinative noun inflection in Cappadocian Greek

Cappadocian Greek is reported to display agglutinative inflection in its nominal system, namely, mono-exponential formatives for the marking of case and number, and NOM.SG-looking forms as the morphemic units to which inflection applies. Previous scholarship has interpreted these developments as indicating a shift in morphological type from fusion to agglutination, brought about by contact with Turkish. This study takes issue with these conclusions. By casting a wider net over the inflectional system of the language, it shows that, of the two types of agglutinative formations identified, only one evidences a radical departure from the inherited structural properties of Cappadocian noun inflection. The other, on the contrary, represents a typologically more conservative innovation. The study presents evidence that a combination of system-internal and -external motivations triggered the development of both types, it describes the mechanisms through which the innovation was implemented, and discusses the factors that favoured change.

Neoliberalism in Britain

The Conservative Party has in the 2015 British general elections won an absolute majority under David Cameron’s leadership. Cameron’s rule signifies an important phase in British politics in the 21st century. This paper asks the question: What is Cameronism? Cameron argues that Margaret Thatcher “was a big influence” for him. It is therefore appropriate to study the relationship between Thatcherism and Cameronism. The article revisits theories of Thatcherism and understands it as a unity of ideology and policies that is organised along three dimensions: the economy, politics, and culture. An ideology critique study of key speeches, interviews and documents analyses these three dimensions of Cameronism. A comparison of Cameronism and Thatcherism shows that questions of national identity, the European Union and immigration form a key ideological and political dimension of Cameronism.

A eficácia entre duas intervenções na Síndrome do Canal Cárpico

A Síndrome do Canal Cárpico (SCC) é a neuropatia compressiva mais comum do membro superior, causada pela compressão direta sobre o nervo mediano no interior do canal cárpico.Os resultados deste estudo mostram em cada um dos grupos, após a intervenção, uma melhoria estatisticamente significativa da sintomatologia no G-AFN (p=0,02) e no GTRN/ EAA (p=0,004) e uma melhoria estatisticamente significativa do estado funcional no G-AFN (p=0,022). Verificamos também em cada um dos grupos, após a intervenção, uma melhoria estatisticamente significativa na “Força de preensão” (p=0,005), na “Pinça polegar/dedo indicador” (p=0,021), na “Pinça polegar/dedo médio” (p=0,026) e “Pinça polegar/dedo anular” (p=0,026) no G-AFN, e uma melhoria estatisticamente significativa na “Pinça polegar/indicador” (p=0,016), na “Pinça polegar/dedo médio” (p=0,035), na “Pinça polegar/dedo anular” (p=0,010), na “Pinça trípode” (p=0,005) e na “Pinça lateral” (p=0,051) no G-TRN/EAA. Após a intervenção, não verificamos diferenças estatisticamente significativas nos valores das escalas de gravidade de sintomas (p=0,853) e de estado funcional (p=0,148) entre os grupos, mas diferenças estatisticamente significativas nos valores dos testes neurofisiológicos (p=0,047) e força de preensão da mão (p=0,005). Do estudo, concluímos que a utilização da intervenção articular/fascial/neural (AFN) e a intervenção com tala de repouso noturna e exercícios de auto alongamento (TRN/EAA), beneficia os indivíduos com SCC não severa, como nos casos incipientes, ligeiros ou moderados. Os indivíduos com esta condição clínica apresentam sintomatologia caraterística de dor, parestesia, especialmente noturna e disfunção muscular da mão. Tais manifestações originam perda funcional com implicações nas áreas de desempenho ocupacional, nomeadamente, nas atividades da vida diária, produtivas e de lazer. O tratamento conservador na SCC não severa, como nos casos incipientes, ligeiros e moderados, apesar de controverso, é recomendado. O tema suscita o nosso interesse, razão pela qual nos propomos realizar um estudo experimental em indivíduos com o diagnóstico clínico de SCC não severa e aplicar num grupo a intervenção articular, fascial e neural (AFN) e noutro grupo a intervenção com tala de repouso noturna e exercícios de auto alongamento (TRN/EAA). O estudo tem como principais objetivos, por um lado, verificar o impacto das intervenções em cada um dos grupos e, por outro lado, comparar o seu impacto entre os grupos, no que respeita à gravidade de sintomas, ao estado funcional, à força de preensão da mão e força de pinças finas. Fomos também comparar os resultados dos testes neurofisiológicos (Velocidade de Condução Motora) antes e depois da intervenção AFN e da intervenção com TRN/EAA, e averiguar o seu impacto nos valores da latência motora distal e da velocidade de condução sensitiva, entre os grupos. Identificamos também quais as variáveis sócio demográficas e as que caraterizam a patologia que estão relacionadas com o problema em estudo e com os valores obtidos com as escalas do Boston Carpal Tunnel Questionnaire (BCTQ), no grupo articular, fascial e neural (G-AFN) e no grupo com tala de repouso noturna e exercícios de auto alongamento (G-TRN/EAA). Para a concretização do estudo, recorremos a uma amostra de 23 indivíduos de ambos os sexos do Hospital Curry Cabral, Empresa Pública Empresarial -Centro Hospitalar de Lisboa Central (HCC, EPE -CHLC).

Otimização do processo de projeto de uma ferramenta progressiva para a estampagem de componentes metálicos

Trabalho Final de Mestrado para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Engenharia Mecânica

O jornalismo de proximidade como promotor da cultura e identidade de uma região: o caso do Porto Canal

Relatório de estágio apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Jornalismo.

Delamination analysis of carbon fibre reinforced laminates: evaluation of a special step drill

Drilling of carbon fibre/epoxy laminates is usually carried out using standard drills. However, it is necessary to adapt the processes and/or tooling as the risk of delamination, or other damages, is high. These problems can affect mechanical properties of produced parts, therefore, lower reliability. In this paper, four different drills – three commercial and a special step (prototype) – are compared in terms of thrust force during drilling and delamination. In order to evaluate damage, enhanced radiography is applied. The resulting images were then computational processed using a previously developed image processing and analysis platform. Results show that the prototype drill had encouraging results in terms of maximum thrust force and delamination reduction. Furthermore, it is possible to state that a correct choice of drill geometry, particularly the use of a pilot hole, a conservative cutting speed – 53 m/min – and a low feed rate – 0.025 mm/rev – can help to prevent delamination.

An Extension of Estimation of Domain of Attraction for Fractional Order Linear System Subject to Saturation Control

This paper employs the Lyapunov direct method for the stability analysis of fractional order linear systems subject to input saturation. A new stability condition based on saturation function is adopted for estimating the domain of attraction via ellipsoid approach. To further improve this estimation, the auxiliary feedback is also supported by the concept of stability region. The advantages of the proposed method are twofold: (1) it is straightforward to handle the problem both in analysis and design because of using Lyapunov method, (2) the estimation leads to less conservative results. A numerical example illustrates the feasibility of the proposed method.

A Multiple Criteria Utility-based Approa h for the Unit Commitment with Wind Power and Pumped Storage Hydro

The integration of wind power in eletricity generation brings new challenges to unit commitment due to the random nature of wind speed. For this particular optimisation problem, wind uncertainty has been handled in practice by means of conservative stochastic scenario-based optimisation models, or through additional operating reserve settings. However, generation companies may have different attitudes towards operating costs, load curtailment, or waste of wind energy, when considering the risk caused by wind power variability. Therefore, alternative and possibly more adequate approaches should be explored. This work is divided in two main parts. Firstly we survey the main formulations presented in the literature for the integration of wind power in the unit commitment problem (UCP) and present an alternative model for the wind-thermal unit commitment. We make use of the utility theory concepts to develop a multi-criteria stochastic model. The objectives considered are the minimisation of costs, load curtailment and waste of wind energy. Those are represented by individual utility functions and aggregated in a single additive utility function. This last function is adequately linearised leading to a mixed-integer linear program (MILP) model that can be tackled by general-purpose solvers in order to find the most preferred solution. In the second part we discuss the integration of pumped-storage hydro (PSH) units in the UCP with large wind penetration. Those units can provide extra flexibility by using wind energy to pump and store water in the form of potential energy that can be generated after during peak load periods. PSH units are added to the first model, yielding a MILP model with wind-hydro-thermal coordination. Results showed that the proposed methodology is able to reflect the risk profiles of decision makers for both models. By including PSH units, the results are significantly improved.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.