Europa en la prensa española

En nuestro sistema político, los medios de comunicación no son agentes neutros, sino que desempeñan un papel central en la legitimación de las instituciones políticas. La consolidación de la UE ha significado el surgimiento de un entramado institucional supranacional con nuevos actores e instituciones que muchas veces son cuestionadas por su falta de legitimidad democrática. Todas estas cuestiones llevan a preguntarnos cuál es el papel que desempeñan los medios de comunicación en el proceso de construcción europea, cómo se da cuenta del proceso a la ciudadanía y cuáles de sus elementos entran en la agenda mediática. Este artículo intenta aproximarse a esta cuestión analizando la cobertura mediática que recibe el proceso de integración europea en la prensa española. Para hacerlo, se analizan cinco casos de procesos legislativos y diplomáticos del ámbito de la UE. La enorme diferencia en la cobertura de los distintos casos permite concluir que, en el caso de la prensa española analizada, las cuestiones europeas están vinculadas a la agenda mediática nacional y sirven como elemento legitimador o deslegitimador de posturas políticas de la clase política nacional.

La teoría de los clivajes y el conflicto social moderno

This article was delivered as an area-paper to the Critical Political Science Meeting of Bilbao, November the 15th 2008, which was organized by the Political Science Department of the UPV (University of the Basque Country). The paper introduces an updated and synthetic version of the model designed by S.M. Lipset and S. Rokkan in 1967 in order to identify the confrontational divides distinctive of European modernization and, in this way, trace the origins of modern party systems. The expanded model proposed is applied, on the one hand, to a variety of empirical cases, prominently the postransitional Spanish case; and on the other, shows its usefulness in order to better understand the distinctive structure of the social conflict of the globalization era.

Differential role of naïve and memory CD4 T-cell subsets in primary alloresponses.

The T cell response to major histocompatibility complex (MHC) alloantigens occurs via two main pathways. The direct pathway involves the recognition of intact allogeneic MHC:peptide complexes on donor cells and provokes uniquely high frequencies of responsive T cells. The indirect response results from alloantigens being processed like any other protein antigen and presented as peptide by autologous antigen-presenting cells. The frequencies of T cells with indirect allospecificity are orders of magnitude lower and comparable to other peptide-specific responses. In this study, we explored the contributions of naïve and memory CD4(+) T cells to these two pathways. Using an adoptive transfer and skin transplantation model we found that naive and memory CD4(+) T cells, both naturally occurring and induced by sensitization with multiple third-party alloantigens, contributed equally to graft rejection when only the direct pathway was operative. In contrast, the indirect response was predominantly mediated by the naïve subset. Elimination of regulatory CD4(+)CD25(+) T cells enabled memory cells to reject grafts through the indirect pathway, but at a much slower tempo than for naïve cells. These findings have implications for better targeting of immunosuppression to inhibit immediate and later forms of alloimmunity.

Ideologisk förändring och stabilitet i Finland. En jämförande studie av sex partiideologier

Abstract: Ideological stability and change in Finland : an analysis of party programmes

Long-Life Concrete: How Long Will My Concrete Last? A Synthesis of Knowledge of Potential Durability of Concrete, TPF-5(159), 2013

There is an ongoing discussion about moving toward performance-based specifications for concrete pavements. This document seeks to move the discussion forward by outlining the needs and the challenges, and proposing some immediate actions. However, this approach may increase risk for all parties until performance requirements are agreed upon and, more importantly, how the requirements can be measured. A fundamental issue behind pavement construction activities is that the owner/designer needs to be assured that the concrete in place will survive for the intended period (assuming there are no changes in the environment or loading) and, therefore, that full payment should be made. At the same time, each party along the supply chain needs to be assured that the material being supplied to them is able to meet the required performance, as is the product/system they are delivering. The focus of this document is a discussion of the issues behind this need, and the technologies that are available, or still needed, to meet this need, particularly from the point of view of potential durability

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, 2010

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, published by the Iowa State Capitol Tour Guides weekly during the legislative session, features historical facts about Iowa, the Capitol, and the early workings of state government. All historical publications are reproduced here with the actual spelling, punctuation, and grammar retained. THIS WEEK: Iowa legislative party affiliations over the years

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, January 11, 2012

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, published by the Iowa State Capitol Tour Guides weekly during the legislative session, features historical facts about Iowa, the Capitol, and the early workings of state government. All historical publications are reproduced here with the actual spelling, punctuation, and grammar retained. January 11, 2012 THIS WEEK: PROFESSORSHIPS AND STUDENT ENROLLMENT AT THE STATE UNIVERSITY BACKGROUND: The Ninth General Assembly convened January 13, 1862, and adjourned April 8, 1862—an 86-day session. The Brick Capitol in Des Moines had been the seat of government for four years. John R. Needham was the Lt. Governor presiding in the Senate, and Rush Clark was the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The Republican Party had the majority in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. The legislature had 140 members. Samuel Kirkwood was the governor, serving his second term. Governor Kirkwood was the first governor of Iowa to be re-elected to a second term and the first governor to serve nonconsecutive terms. He was 46 at the time of his first Inaugural on January 11, 1860. The 1860 census showed Iowa’s population at 674,913.

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, March 13, 2013

Pieces of Iowa’s Past, published by the Iowa State Capitol Tour Guides weekly during the legislative session, features historical facts about Iowa, the Capitol, and the early workings of state government. All historical publications are reproduced here with the actual spelling, punctuation, and grammar retained. THIS WEEK: Judge Reuben Noble Praises the Iowa State Building at the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition BACKGROUND: REUBEN NOBLE REUBEN NOBLE was born on the 14th of April, 1821, in Ada County, Mississippi, where his father was a farmer. When he was eighteen years of age, Noble began to study law and was admitted to the bar at twenty-one. In 1843, he came to Iowa, making his home at Garnavillo, in Clayton County. In 1854, Noble was elected to the legislature as a free soil Whig and upon the organization of the House was chosen Speaker, serving in the regular session of 1854 and extraordinary session of 1855. At the first Republican State Convention of 1856, he was placed at the head of the ticket for presidential elector. Four years later, he was a delegate to the National Convention that nominated Abraham Lincoln for president. Up to the time of the attempt of the Republicans to remove President Johnson by impeachment, Noble had been a prominent leader of that party. But approving of the policies of the President, he left the Republicans and from that time became a Democrat. In 1866, Noble was nominated by the Democrats for Representative in Congress but was defeated by William B. Allison. In 1886, he was one of the organizers of the Pioneer Lawmakers’ Association and was its first president, never missing a session during the remainder of his life. Noble was the leader of the bar of northeastern Iowa beginning in 1850. As a compliment to his high standing and eminent qualifications as a jurist, the citizens of the Tenth Judicial District elected him to tthe office of district judge in the fall of 1874. (History of Iowa from the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the Twentieth Century/Volume 4)

Hallituksen toimintaan ja puoluejohdon taitavuuteen kohdistuva arviointi puoluekannatuksen selittäjänä

Abstract: Evaluation of government performance and party leadership as a determinant of party selection

The views of rich Europeans are more likely to be reflected by political parties than those of poorer citizens

How does income inequality affect political representation? Jan Rosset, Nathalie Giger and Julian Bernauer examine whether politicians represent the views of poorer and richer citizens equally. They find that in 43 out of the 49 elections included in their analysis, the preferences of low-income citizens are located further away from the policy positions of the closest political party than those with mid-range incomes. This suggests that income inequality may spill-over into political inequalities, although it is less clear whether this effect is likely to get better or worse as a result of the Eurozone crisis.

Typologien und Wandel : Die kantonalen Parteiensysteme im letzten Drittel des 20. Jahrhunderts

Die bisherigen Versuche die kantonalen Parteiensysteme zu typologisieren kommen zu ganz unterschiedlichen Ergebnissen. Der Grund dafür liegt darin, dass sie sich auf nur wenige und unterschiedliche Parteiensystemmerkmale abstützten. Vernachlässigt wird dabei zudem der Aspekt eines allfälligen Wandels der Parteiensysteme. Ziel dieses Artikels ist es, ausgehend von einer Typologisierung, welche möglichst alle wichtigen Eigenheiten der kantonalen Parteiensysteme berücksichtigt, den Wandel der Parteiensysteme zu analysieren und mögliche Entwicklungen aufzuzeigen. Die Ergebnisse weisen darauf hin, dass bei gewissen Systemmerkmalen trotz einer Annäherung in nächster Zeit nicht davon auszugehen ist, dass die kantonalen Parteiensysteme auf das nationale Parteiensystem hin konvergieren.

Miten äänestäjät valitsevat puolueen?

Abstract: How electors choose thier party in general elections

Vihreä liitto Suomen puoluekarttapallolla periaateohjelmien näkökulmasta tarkasteltuna

Abstract: Green goals and narratives in the Green League party manifestos

Il voto ticinese sull'iniziativa 'contro l'immigrazione di massa' del 9 febbraio 2014

Riassunto Il presente studio verte sull'analisi del voto relativo all'iniziativa popolare 'contro l'immigrazione di massa' del 9 febbraio 2014. In particolare, l'analisi si concentra sul voto avvenuto nel Ticino, il cantone svizzero in cui l'iniziativa ha avuto maggiore sostegno. Lo studio si è avvalso di un'inchiesta d'opinione rappresentativa realizzata dall'Osservatorio della vita politica regionale dell'Università di Losanna presso 1.429 cittadini ticinesi nei giorni successivi allo scrutinio. Dopo una contestualizzazione del voto del 9 febbraio rispetto alla storia delle votazioni sui temi di politica estera e migratoria, l'analisi si è concentrata sulla partecipazione al voto. Il ricorso a tre modelli interpretativi (delle risorse, della competenza e della mobilitazione) ha permesso di mostrare come il voto del 9 febbraio sia caratterizzato in particolare modo dal senso del dovere, dall'interesse per la politica e dal legame di partito. L'analisi dell'orientamento di voto evidenzia l'influenza delle dimensioni economiche, politiche, identitarie, e soprattutto, alla stregua di altri voti nel passato recente di questo cantone, una forte tensione tra centro e periferia. Dall'analisi del voto del 9 febbraio emerge un forte timore che vede nel Ticino una 'doppia periferia', verso Berna e in relazione alla vicina Lombardia. Parole chiave: iniziativa popolare, partecipazione, orientamento di voto, centro-periferia. Résumé Cette étude porte sur l'analyse du vote sur l'initiative populaire 'contre l'immigration de masse' du 9 février 2014 et, plus précisément, sur le vote qui s'est déroulé au Tessin, canton suisse dans lequel l'initiative a obtenu le plus large soutien. L'étude a été menée à l'aide d'une enquête d'opinion représentative réalisée par l'Observatoire de la vie politique régionale de l'Université de Lausanne auprès de 1.429 citoyens tessinois dans les jours suivant le scrutin. Après une contextualisation du vote du 9 février par rapport à l'histoire des votations sur les thèmes de la politique étrangère et de l'immigration, l'analyse a porté sur la participation au vote. À ce propos, l'utilisation de trois modèles explicatifs (des ressources, de la compétence et de la mobilisation) a permis de dévoiler que le vote a été caractérisé plus particulièrement par le sens du devoir (habitus du vote), par l'intérêt pour la politique et par le lien avec un parti. L'analyse de l'orientation du vote montre l'influence des aspects économiques, politiques et identitaire ainsi que, à l'instar d'autres votations récemment passées dans le canton italophone, des raisons qui mettent en évidence une vision contrastée du Tessin et notamment le risque de devenir une 'double périphérie' par rapport à Berne et à la Lombardie. Mots-clés: initiative populaire, participation, choix du vote, centre-périphérie. Zusammenfassung Die vorliegende Studie analysiert das Abstimmungsverhalten anlässlich der eidgenössischen Volksinitiative 'Gegen Masseneinwanderung' vom 9. Februar 2014. Die Analyse beschränkt sich auf die Abstimmung im Kanton Tessin, wo die Initiative am stärksten unterstützt wurde. Die Studie wurde vom Observatorium des regionalen politischen Lebens der Universität Lausanne durchgeführt und basiert auf einer repräsentativen Umfrage, bei welcher 1429 Bürger des Kantons Tessin in den Tagen nach der Abstimmung teilnahmen. Zunächst wird die Abstimmung vom 9. Februar in Bezug auf die Geschichte verschiedener anderer Abstimmungen zum Thema Aussen- und Immigrationspolitik kontextualisiert. Die Analyse analysiert dann als erstes die Wahlbeteiligung: Der Gebrauch von drei Erklärungsmodellen (Ressourcen, Kompetenz und Mobilisierung) zeigt auf, dass der Entscheid, an der Abstimmung vom 9. Februar überhaupt teilzunehmen, vor allem von Pflichtbewusstsein, politischem Interesse und Parteibindung geprägt war. Das Abstimmungsverhalten selber war dann von ökonomischen und politischen Faktoren, von der eigenen Identität sowie insbesondere - und wie auch schon andere Abstimmungen in der jüngsten Vergangenheit des italienisch-sprechenden Kantons -von einer grossen Angst geprägt, dass das Tessin eine 'doppelte Peripherie' zwischen Bern und der Lombardei werden könnte. Stichwörter: Volksinitiative, Teilnahme, Abstimmungsverhalten, Zentrum-Peripherie Abstract This study focuses on the analysis of the federal vote on the popular initiative 'against mass immigration' of 9 February 2014. More precisely, the analysis focuses on the vote that took place in Ticino, the Swiss canton in which the popular initiative has received the widest support. The study was carried out by the Research Observatory for Regional Politics at the University of Lausanne using a representative survey among 1.429 citizens of Ticino during the days following the vote. After a contextualization of the vote of 9 February with respect to the history of referenda about foreign policy and immigration issues, the analysis first discusses voter turnout. In this regard, the use of three explanatory models (resources, expertise and mobilisation) reveals that participation in the vote of 9 February was especially characterized by one's sense of duty, political interest, and links with a political party. The decision how to vote was then influenced by economic, political and identity factors as well as - like other votes in the recent past in the Italian-speaking canton - the particular fear that Ticino would become a 'double periphery' vis-à-vis both Berne and Lombardy. Keywords: popular initiative, participation, vote, centre-periphery.

Independent Central Banks: Low inflation at no cost?: A model with fiscal policy

In this article we extend the rational partisan model of Alesina and Gatti (1995) to include a second policy, fiscal policy, besides monetary policy. It is shown that, with this extension, the politically induced variance of output is not always eliminated nor reduced by delegating monetary policy to an independent and conservative central bank. Further, in flation and output stabilisation will be affected by the degree of conservativeness of the central bank and by the probability of the less in flation averse party gaining power. Keywords: rational partisan theory; fiscal policy; independent central bank JEL Classi fication: E58, E63.