998 resultados para 1955-1966


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La tesi è una ricerca di storia politica che affianca due diverse “storie” di centro-sinistra, quella nazionale e quella che vide protagonista la Democrazia Cristiana del Trentino. Lo studio analizza i fatti attraverso il filtro delle DC come se quello trentino e quello nazionale fossero due partiti, per poi tentare di capire ciò che accadeva alla loro sinistra alla ricerca dei diversi pesi e dei differenti equilibri che al centro e alla periferia si manifestavano nei rapporti con il PSI e con il PCI, e per osservare le reazioni della Chiesa così da valutare se le gerarchie romane e quelle trentine interagirono in modo differente sugli sviluppi delle rispettive esperienze politiche di quegli anni. Il testo è organizzato in quattro capitoli. Il primo e il secondo (speculari e dedicati allo stesso lustro: 1955-1960) rappresentano un confronto tra i differenti iter d’avvicinamento al centro-sinistra che la politica nazionale e quella trentina sperimentarono nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Nel terzo capitolo (1960-1964) e nel quarto (1964-1968) le vicende nazionali e quelle locali sono invece raccontate in modo intrecciato, ripercorrendo le diverse fasi dell’alleanza tra Democrazia Cristiana e Partito Socialista, e nel contempo dando conto della trasformazione del Trentino da una realtà di tipo agricolo ad una di tipo industriale, del passaggio da una comunità di tipo cattolico tradizionale ad una che si accinge a vivere in un contesto secolarizzato, e da una società che si autopercepisce come periferica ad una che ospita una delle contestazioni studentesche più peculiari, incisive e note d’Italia.

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This is the history of the decade prior to the entrance of Korean troops into the Vietnam War, roughly covering the years 1953-1965.

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Three decades after the unsuccessful 1913-1914 strike at the Lake District copper mines of Michigan, workers organized as Local 584 of the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers (Mine Mill) signed a union contract with Calumet & Hecla Consolidated Copper Company. C & H was the last and most significant of the region’s three major copper mining companies to unionize during the three-year period from 1939 to 1942. This paper tells the untold history of the successful union drives in the Lake District’s copper mines, starting with Copper Range Company in 1939 and encompassing the subsequent unionizations of Quincy Mining Company and finally C & H. The paper develops thematic connections between the 1913-1914, including Mine Mill’s lineage to the Western Federation of Miners, parallel ethnic dimensions, and, most significantly, the contrasting role of state authority between the two time periods. The paper carries the Lake District’s labor history forward to 1955 to include United Steelworkers’ successful challenge to Mine Mill in 1950 and the strike of 1955. This history also incorporates source material from the papers of highly influential union organizer and representative Eugene Saari, material which to date has not been integrated into the labor history of the region. This paper has not yet been submitted.

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This digital object was funded in part through a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. The digitalization of this object was part of a collaborative effort with the Washington Research Library Consortium and George Washington University.

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This digital object was funded in part through a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. The digitalization of this object was part of a collaborative effort with the Washington Research Library Consortium and George Washington University.

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Though migration is an age-old feature of human activity, driven by various circumstances, its current place in the midst of global dynamics and the phenomenon of globalization is becoming increasingly critical. International immigration and its regulation have been largely shaped by the policies in the receiving countries, often determining preferences for nationality cohorts and work skills to satisfy their labor and human capital requirements. When immigration has been necessitated by political strife, host countries have displayed immense magnanimity as well. However, the growing realization of resource limitations and the strange quirks of cultural pluralism are in turn creating waves of dissonance. Literature and the media are now replete with an in depth look into the immigration debate in various nations of the world in trying to seek new directions and satisfactory solutions.

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Der Beitrag untersucht anhand der Rezeption von zwei exemplarischen Don Karlos-Inszenierungen, die beide in politisch markanten Jahren der österreichischen Geschichte ihre Premiere erlebten, die Funktionalisierung der Institution Burgtheater in Verbindung mit der Funktionalisierung des Dramatikers Friedrich Schiller für eben diese Institution. Eine Neueinstudierung erfolgte 1938, dem Jahr von Österreichs ‚Anschluss’ an Nazi-Deutschland, die andere 1955, dem Jahr der Unterzeichnung des Österreichischen Staatsvertrages. Beide Don Karlos-Inszenierungen fanden als spezifische Festvorstellungen im Rahmen von Feierlichkeiten rund um die Institution Burgtheater statt. Diente 1938 Schillers Don Karlos dazu, als ‚Schlüsselstück’ der ‚nationalsozialistischen Revolution’ einen politisch-gesellschaftlichen Aufbruch zu markieren, so wurde 1955 die Inszenierung des Dramas zum Triumph einer Schauspielerelite, deren Können sich in die konstruierte Tradition eines k.k. ‚Schauspieleradels’ einreihte. Während 1938 der ‚nationale Dichter’ dem ‚heimgekehrten’ Nationaltheater zum ästhetischen ‚Anschluss’ verhalf, diente der ‚überzeitliche’ Klassiker 1955 dazu, eine ästhetische ‚Wiedergeburt’ zu behaupten, die dem restaurativen Kunst- und Kulturbegriff Nachkriegsösterreichs verpflichtet war.

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