935 resultados para 110305 Emergency Medicine


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Simulation offers a safe opportunity for students to practice clinical procedures without exposure and risk of harm to real patients (Partin et al, 2011). Simulation is recognised to increase students’ confidence in their ability to make critical decisions (McCaughey and Traynor, 2010). Within Queen’s University Belfast, simulation for obstetric emergency training based on the ethos of ‘Practical Obstetric Multi-Professional Training[PROMPT]’ (Draycott et al, 2008) has been developed for midwifery students and is now uniquely embedded within the pre-registration curriculum. An important aspect of the PROMPT training is the use of low fidelity simulation as opposed to high tech support (Crofts et al, 2008). Studies have reflected that low fidelity simulation can be an effective tool for promoting student confidence (Tosterud, 2013; Hughes et al, 2013). Students are given the opportunity to experience obstetric emergencies within a safe environment and evaluation has indicated that students feel safe and have an increase in confidence and self-efficacy. The immediacy of the feedback offered by simulated situations encourages an exploration of beliefs and attitudes, particularly with peers, promoting a deeper sense of learning (Stoneham and Feltham, 2009).This paper will discuss why low fidelity simulation can effectively enhance the student experience and promote self-efficacy.

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The problem-Musculoskeletal (MSK) symptoms are common within primary care but some GPs are not comfortable managing these; waiting times for hospital appointments are a major cause of patients’ complaints. Current UK healthcare policies emphasise a need for more community-based management. We aimed to pilot an innovative general practice-based clinic to improve the management of MSK and Sport and Exercise Medicine (SEM) symptoms within general practice.

The approach-This project was conducted in an inner-city practice of approximately 9,000 patients and 5 GP partners. The practice commissioned a novel monthly 4-hour clinic staffed by one GP with a specialist interest in MSK and SEM conditions. Each patient was allocated a 20-minute appointment. All primary care staff within the practice could refer any patient for whom they considered hospital referral appropriate, with no specific exclusion criteria. Management plans included injection therapy, exercise prescription and onward referral. After three months (August-October 2014) numbers of consultations, sources of referral, reasons for referral and management outcomes were described; patient satisfaction was assessed by questionnaire, offered to 10 randomly selected patients by reception staff and self-completed by patients. Costs of the clinic were compared to current options.

Findings- All patients (14 males; 21 females; aged 35-77 years), were seen within four weeks of referral (one third of orthopaedic referrals in 2013 waited over 9 weeks for appointment). Most were referred from other GPs; some came from physiotherapy and podiatry. Shoulder problems were the most frequent reason for referral. The commonest management option was steroid injection, with most patients being given advice regarding exercise and analgesia; there were 3 onward referrals (2 physiotherapy; 1 rheumatology).

Comparing August-October data in 2014 and 2013, total, orthopaedic and rheumatology referrals were reduced by 147, 2 and 3, respectively; within the practice MSK presentations and physiotherapy and x-ray referrals were 60, 47 and 90 fewer, respectively.

The cost per attendance at the clinic was £61; initial orthopaedic-ICAT assessments cost £82 and a consultant appointment £213.

Satisfaction questionnaires were returned by all 10 selected participants and provided positive feedback, expressing preference for community-based, rather than hospital, management.

Consequence- Our pilot study indicates that this novel service model has potential for efficient and effective management of MSK and SEM complaints in primary care, reducing the need for hospital referral and the clinical burden on general practices. The innovation deserves further evaluation in a full-scale trial to determine its generalisability to other practice settings and populations.

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Molecular techniques have a key role to play in laboratory and clinical haematology. Restriction enzymes allow nucleic acids to be reduced in size for subsequent analysis. In addition they allow selection of specific DNA or RNA sequences for cloning into bacterial plasmids. These plasmids are naturally occuring DNA molecules which reside in bacterial cells. They can be manipulated to act as vehicles or carriers for biologically and medically important genes, allowing the production of large amounts of cloned material for research purposes or to aid in the production of medically important recombinant molecules such as insulin. As acquired or inherited genetic changes are implicated in a wide range of haematological diseases, it is necessary to have highly specific and sensitive assays to detect these mutations. Most of these techniques rely on nucleic acid hybridisation, benefitting from the ability of DNA or RNA to bind tighly to complimentary bases in the nucleic acid structure. Production of artificial DNA molecules called probes permits nucleic acid hybridiation assays to be performed, using the techniques of southern blotting or dot blot analysis. In addition the base composition of any gene or region of DNA can be determined using DNA sequencing technology. The advent of the polymerase chain reaction (PCR) has revolutionised all aspects of medicine, but has particular relevance in haematology where easy access to biopsy material provides a wealth of material for analysis. PCR permits quick and reliable manipulation of sample material and its ability to be automated makes it an ideal tool for use in the haematology laboratory.

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Molecular Medicine and Molecular Pathology are integral parts of Haematology as we enter the new millennium. Their origins can be linked to fundamental developments in the basic sciences, particularly genetics, chemistry and biochemistry. The structure of DNA and the genetic code that it encrypts are the critical starting points to our understanding of these new disciplines. The genetic alphabet is a simple one, consisting of just 4 letters, buts its influence is crucial to human development and differentiation. The concept of a gene is not a new one but the Human Genome Project (a joint world-wide effort to characterise our entire genetic make-up) is providing an invaluable understanding of how genes function in normal cellular processes and pinpointing how disruption of these processes can lead to disease. Transcription and translation are the key events by which our genotype is converted to our phenotype (via a messenger RNA intermediate), producing the myriad proteins and enzymes which populate the cellular factory of our body. Unlike the bacterial or prokaryotic genome, the human genome contains a large amount of non coding DNA (less than 1% of our genome codes for proteins), and our genes are interrupted, with the coding regions or exons separated by non coding introns. Precise removal of the intronic material after transcription (though a process called splicing) is critical for efficient translation to occur. Incorrect splicing can lead to the generation of mutant proteins, which can have a dilaterious effect on the phenotype of the individual. Thus the 100,000-200,000 genes which are present in each cell in our body have a defined control mechanism permitting efficient and appropriate expression of proteins and enzymes and yet a single base change in just one of those genes can lead to diseases such as haemophilia or fanconis anaemia.

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Paramedics are trained to use specialized medical knowledge and a variety of medical procedures and pharmaceutical interventions to “save patients and prevent further damage” in emergency situations, both as members of “health-care teams” in hospital emergency departments (Swanson, 2005: 96) and on the streets – unstandardized contexts “rife with chaotic, dangerous, and often uncontrollable elements” (Campeau, 2008: 3). The paramedic’s unique skill-set and ability to function in diverse situations have resulted in the occupation becoming ever more important to health care systems (Alberta Health and Wellness, 2008: 12).
Today, prehospital emergency services, while varying, exist in every major city and many rural areas throughout North America (Paramedics Association of Canada, 2008) and other countries around the world (Roudsari et al., 2007). Services in North America, for instance, treat and/or transport 2 million Canadians (over 250,000 in Alberta alone ) and between 25 and 30 million Americans annually (Emergency Medical Services Chiefs of Canada, 2006; National EMS Research Agenda, 2001). In Canada, paramedics make up one of the largest groups of health care professionals, with numbers exceeding 20,000 (Pike and Gibbons, 2008; Paramedics Association of Canada, 2008). However, there is little known about the work practices of paramedics, especially in light of recent changes to how their work is organized, making the profession “rich with unexplored opportunities for research on the full range of paramedic work” (Campeau, 2008: 2).

This presentation reports on findings from an institutional ethnography that explored the work of paramedics and different technologies of knowledge and governance that intersect with and organize their work practices. More specifically, my tentative focus of this presentation is on discussing some of the ruling discourses central to many of the technologies used on the front lines of EMS in Alberta and the consequences of such governance practices for both the front line workers and their patients. In doing so, I will demonstrate how IE can be used to answer Rankin and Campbell’s (2006) call for additional research into “the social organization of information in health care and attention to the (often unintended) ways ‘such textual products may accomplish…ruling purposes but otherwise fail people and, moreover, obscure that failure’ (p. 182)” (cited in McCoy, 2008: 709).

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Using institutional ethnography, a sociology and critical method of inquiry used primarily in North America, this presentation discusses new forms and technologies of knowledge and governance – “forms of language, technologies of representation and communication, and text-based, objectified modes of knowledge through which local particularities are interpreted or rendered actionable in abstract, translocal terms” (McCoy, 2008: 701) on the front line of emergency medical services. I focus specifically on technologies central to health reforms that attempt to reshape how health care is delivered, experienced, and made accountable (Anantharaman, 2004; Ball, 2005; Alberta Health Services, 2008). In additional to exemplifying how institutional ethnography can be used to answer Rankin and Campbell’s (2006) call for additional research into “the social organization of information in health care and attention to the (often unintended) ways ‘such textual products may accomplish…ruling purposes but otherwise fail people and, moreover, obscure that failure’ (p. 182)” (cited in McCoy, 2008: 709), this presentation will introduce the audience to a critical approach to social inquiry that explores how knowledge is socially organized.

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This article draws on an institutional ethnographic inquiry into the work of paramedics and the institutional setting that organizes and coordinates their work processes. Drawing on over 200 hours of observations and over 100 interviews with paramedics (average length of 18 minutes) and other emergency medical personnel, this article explores the standard and not so standard work of paramedics as they assess and care for their patients on the front lines of emergency health services. More specifically, I focus on the multiplicity of interfacing social, demographic, locational, situational, and institutional factors that shape and organize the work of paramedics. In doing so, this article provides insights into how paramedics orient to the social context in which their work occurs and contrasts this actual work with how their work is institutionally reported and made visible; what gets counted institutionally is not necessarily the same as what counts for the paramedics. This article problematizes this demarcation between what is known institutionally and “systematic practices of ‘not knowing’” (DeVault, 2008, p. 290).