A social justice framework for safeguarding student learning engagement

The set of social justice principles and the Social Justice Framework (SJF), developed as resources for the sector as part of an Australian Government Office for Learning and Teaching project, adopt a recognitive approach to social justice and emphasise full participation and contribution within democratic society (Gale, 2000; Gale & Densmore, 2000). The SJF is contained within the major deliverable of the project, which is A Good Practice Guide for Safeguarding Student Learning Engagement (Nelson & Creagh, 2013) and is focused on good practice for activities that monitor student learning engagement and identify students at risk of disengaging in their first year. Examination of the social justice literature and its application to the higher education sector produced a set of five principles: Self-determination, Rights, Access, Equity and Participation. Each principle was defined and elucidated by a rationale and implications for practice, thus completing the SJF. The framework: reflects the notions of equity and social justice; provides a strategic approach for safeguarding engagement activities; and is supported by a suite of resources for practice and practitioners. The aim of this poster session is to engage in conversations about the SJF and how it might be applied to other types of student engagement activities critical to the first year of university life, such as orientation and transition programs, teamwork activities, peer programs and other academic support initiatives.

The use of 'queer' in criminal justice discourses

Within criminological literature, there are growing references to a 'queer/ed criminology'. To date, ‘queer criminology’ remains a loose collection of studies and criminal-justice related commentary that uses the term 'queer'. Amid the growing calls for the more substantial development of these criminological studies, it is timely to reflect on the ways that the term ‘queer’ has been used in these discourses, to what ends, and with what effects. This paper considers the manner in which the term 'queer' has been used in these criminological and criminal justice discourses. It suggests that ‘queer’ has been used in two dominant ways: as an 'umbrella' term for lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, and queer-identified people; and to signify the use of theoretical tools with which to represent sexuality- and gender-diverse people more effectively within criminological research. The paper will argue that these ways of using ‘queer’ have a variety of implications and effects. Specifically, using ‘queer’ as an umbrella term has the potential to reinforce identity categories and the politics that surround identities (a critique that has often appeared in queer contexts), while using it as a theoretical tool potentially reproduces various investments in criminology and criminal justice institutions. Both uses may preclude other productive avenues for critique opened up by the term ‘queer’. The paper will conclude by suggesting that using ‘queer’ as a verb to signify a more deconstructive project directed towards criminology is a possible direction for these discussions. While this approach has its own effects, and articulates with existing deconstructive approaches in criminology, it is important to explore these possibilities at this point in the development of a ‘queer/ed criminology’ for two reasons: it highlights that multiple, and often competing, ‘queer/ed criminologies’ exist; and it expands the diverse possibilities heralded by the notion of ‘queer’.

Addressing vulnerability and human rights in disaster response mechanisms in Oceania

The Oceania region is an area particularly prone to natural disasters such as cyclones, tsunamis, floods, droughts, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Many of the nations in the region are Small Island Developing States (SIDS), yet even within wealthy states such as Australia and New Zealand there are groups which are vulnerable to disaster. Vulnerability to natural disaster can be understood in human rights terms, as natural disasters threaten the enjoyment of a number of rights which are guaranteed under international law, including rights to health, housing, food, water and even the right to life itself. The impacts of climate change threaten to exacerbate these vulnerabilities, yet, despite the foreseeability of further natural disasters as a result of climate change, there currently exists no comprehensive international framework for disaster response offering practical and/or legally reliable mechanisms to assist at‐risk states and communities. This paper sets out to explore the human rights issues presented by natural disasters and examine the extent to which these issues can be addressed by disaster response frameworks at the international, regional and national levels.

Preventing public sector corruption : the relationship between parliamentary committees and corruption commissions

Parliamentary committees fulfil several important functions within the Parliament, with one of these being the oversight of various agencies including those that are designed to reduce corruption within the police service and other public sector agencies. The cross-party nature of committees combined with the protections of Parliament make them powerful agencies. Prenzler & Faulkner (2010) suggest that the ideal system for an agency that has oversight of a public sector integrity commission should include monitoring by a parliamentary committee, with an inspector attached to the committee. This occurs in Queensland, New South Wales and Western Australia. There has been very little research conducted on the role of parliamentary committees with oversight responsibilities for public sector integrity agencies. This paper will address this gap by examining the relationship between a parliamentary committee, a parliamentary inspector and a corruption commission. Queensland’s Parliamentary Crime and Misconduct Committee (PCMC/the Committee) and the Parliamentary Crime and Misconduct Commissioner (the Commissioner) provide oversight of the Crime and Misconduct Commission (CMC). By focussing on the PCMC and the Commissioner, the paper will examine the legislative basis for the Committee and Commissioner and their respective roles in providing oversight of the CMC. One key method by which the PCMC provides oversight of the CMC is to conduct and publish a review of the CMC every three years. Additionally, the paper will identify some of the similarities and differences between the PCMC and other committees that operate within the Queensland Parliament. By doing so, the paper will provide insights into the relationships that exist between corruption commissions, parliamentary committees and parliamentary inspectors and demonstrate the important role of the parliamentary committee in preventing instances of public sector corruption.

Crime and the commodification of carbon

Carbon will be the world's biggest market. Barclays was the first UK bank to set up a dedicated carbon trading desk to help clients, and Barclays Capital is the most active player in the emissions trading market having traded 300 million tonnes as at February 2007. (Barclays, 2007: 1)

Fraud risk and the visibility of carbon

In recent years, carbon has been increasingly rendered ‘visible’ both discursively and through political processes that have imbued it with economic value. Greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have been constructed as social and environmental costs and their reduction or avoidance as social and economic gain. The ‘marketisation’ of carbon, which has been facilitated through various compliance schemes such as the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), the Kyoto Protocol, the proposed Australian Emissions Reduction Scheme and through the voluntary carbon credit market, have attempted to bring carbon into the ‘foreground’ as an economic liability and/or opportunity. Accompanying the increasing economic visibility of carbon are reports of frauds and scams – the ‘gaming of carbon markets’(Chan 2010). As Lohmann (2010: 21) points out, ‘what are conventionally classed as scams or frauds are an inevitable feature of carbon offset markets, not something that could be eliminated by regulation targeting the specific businesses or state agencies involved’. This paper critiques the disparate discourses of fraud risk in carbon markets and examines cases of fraud within emerging landscapes of green criminology.

Girls and violence : the case for a feminist theory of female violence

Rises recorded for girls’ violence in countries like Australia, Canada, United Kingdom and United States have been hotly contested. One view is these rising rates of violence are an artefact of new forms of policy, policing, criminalisation and social control over young women. Another view is that young women may indeed have become more violent as they have increasingly participated in youth subcultural activities involving gangs and drugs, and cyber‐cultural activities that incite and reward girls’ violence. Any comprehensive explanation will need to address how a complex interplay of cultural, social, behavioural, and policy responses contribute to these rises. This article argues that there is no singular cause, explanation or theory that accounts for the rises in adolescent female violence, and that many of the simple explanations circulating in popular culture are driven by an anti‐feminist ideology. By concentrating on females as victims of violence and very rarely as perpetrators, feminist criminology has for the most part ducked the thorny issue of female violence, leaving a discursive space for anti‐feminist sentiment to reign. The article concludes by arguing the case for developing a feminist theory of female violence.

Prevalence and characteristics of Indigenous drink-driving convictions in Queensland, Australia

Alcohol-involved accidents are one of the leading contributors towards high injury rates among Indigenous Australians. However, there is limited information available to inform existing policies to change current rates. The study aims to provide information about the prevalence and the characteristics of such behaviour. Drink driving convictions from 2006-2010 were extracted from the Queensland Department of Justice and Attorney General database. Convictions were regrouped by gender, age, Accessibility/Remoteness Index of Australia classification (using court location) and sentence severity. A number of cross tabulations were carried out to identify relationships between variables. Standardised adjusted residuals were calculated for each cell in order to determine cell differences that contributed to the chi-square test results. Analysis revealed there were 9,323 convictions, of which the majority were for offences by males (77.5%). In relation to age, 52.6% of the convictions were of persons under 25 years of age. Age was significantly different across the five regions for males only (χ2=90.8, p<0.001), with a larger number of convictions in the ‘very remote’ region of persons over 40+ years of age. Increased remoteness was linked with high range BAC convictions for both males (χ2=168.4, p<0.001) and females (χ2=22.5, p=0.004). Monetary penalties were the primary sentence received for both males and females in all regions. The findings identify the Indigenous drink driving conviction rate to be 6 times that of the general Queensland rate and indicate that a multipronged approach is needed, with tailored strategies for remote offenders, young adults and offenders with alcohol misuse and dependency issues. Further attention is warranted in this area of road safety.

Variants in the human potassium channel gene (KCNN3) are associated with migraine in a high risk genetic isolate

The calcium-activated potassium ion channel gene (KCNN3) is located in the vicinity of the familial hemiplegic migraine type 2 locus on chromosome 1q21.3. This gene is expressed in the central nervous system and plays a role in neural excitability. Previous association studies have provided some, although not conclusive, evidence for involvement of this gene in migraine susceptibility. To elucidate KCNN3 involvement in migraine, we performed gene-wide SNP genotyping in a high-risk genetic isolate from Norfolk Island, a population descended from a small number of eighteenth century Isle of Man ‘Bounty Mutineer’ and Tahitian founders. Phenotype information was available for 377 individuals who are related through the single, well-defined Norfolk pedigree (96 were affected: 64 MA, 32 MO). A total of 85 SNPs spanning the KCNN3 gene were genotyped in a sub-sample of 285 related individuals (76 affected), all core members of the extensive Norfolk Island ‘Bounty Mutineer’ genealogy. All genotyping was performed using the Illumina BeadArray platform. The analysis was performed using the statistical program SOLAR v4.0.6 assuming an additive model of allelic effect adjusted for the effects of age and sex. Haplotype analysis was undertaken using the program HAPLOVIEW v4.0. A total of four intronic SNPs in the KCNN3 gene displayed significant association (P < 0.05) with migraine. Two SNPs, rs73532286 and rs6426929, separated by approximately 0.1 kb, displayed complete LD (r 2 = 1.00, D′ = 1.00, D′ 95% CI = 0.96–1.00). In all cases, the minor allele led to a decrease in migraine risk (beta coefficient = 0.286–0.315), suggesting that common gene variants confer an increased risk of migraine in the Norfolk pedigree. This effect may be explained by founder effect in this genetic isolate. This study provides evidence for association of variants in the KCNN3 ion channel gene with migraine susceptibility in the Norfolk genetic isolate with the rarer allelic variants conferring a possible protective role. This the first comprehensive analysis of this potential candidate gene in migraine and also the first study that has utilised the unique Norfolk Island large pedigree isolate to implicate a specific migraine gene. Studies of additional variants in KCNN3 in the Norfolk pedigree are now required (e.g. polyglutamine variants) and further analyses in other population data sets are required to clarify the association of the KCNN3 gene and migraine risk in the general outbred population.

The Cairns abortion trial : deviance, stigma and the spoiled identity

In 2010 a couple in Cairns were charged, and later found not guilty, of illegally obtaining a medical abortion through the use of medication imported from overseas. The court case reignited the contentious debate surrounding the illegality and social acceptance of abortion in Queensland, Australia. Based on a critical discourse analysis of 150 online news media articles covering the Cairns trial, this paper argues that the media shapes perceptions of deviance and stigma in relation to abortion through the use of language. In this case, the Cairns couple were positioned as deviant for pursuing abortion on the basis that they were rejecting the social norm of motherhood. This paper identifies three key themes evident in the articles analysed which contribute to shaping the construction of deviance – the humanising of the foetus, the stereotyping of the traditional female role of mother, and the demonising of women who choose abortion. This paper argues that the use of specific language in media coverage of abortion has the power to disrespect and invalidate the experiences, rights, and health of women who choose to terminate pregnancies.

Constructions of asylum seekers and refugees in Australian political discourse

Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This paper investigates how the political discourse constructs asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia in 2011. Hansard Parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. This paper argues that a dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades their construction with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia’s laws and international obligations. This construction also represents a shift in federal political discourse from constructing asylum seekers as a border or security threat, towards an increasing preoccupation with this categorisation of people as legitimate, or illegitimate.

Justifications and limits in the politically motivated lawbreaking of environmental activist groups

In recent events, notions of political protest, civil disobedience, extremism, and criminal action have become increasingly blurred. The London Riots, the Occupy movement, and the actions of hacking group Anonymous have all sparked heated debate about the limits of legitimate protest, and the distinction between an acceptable action and a criminal offence. Long before these events, environmental activists were challenging convention in protest actions, with several groups engaging in politically motivated law-breaking. The emergence of the term ‘eco-tage’ (the sabotage of equipment in order to protect the environment) signifies the important place environmental activists hold in challenging the traditional boundaries between illegal action and legitimate protest. Many of these groups establish their own boundaries of legitimacy, with some justifying their actions on the basis of civil disobedience or extensional self-defence. This paper examines the statements of environmental activist organisations that have engaged in politically motivated law breaking. It identifies the parameters that these groups set on their illegal actions, as well as the justifications that they provide, with a view to determining where these actions fit in the vast grey area between legal protest and violent extremism.

Local development planning and community empowerment in decentralised Indonesia : the role of local planning in improving self organising capabilities of local communities in Takalar, Indonesia

This study investigates the role of development planning in empowering rural communities in Indonesia’s decentralised era. Evidence is produced that the combination of procedural justice in planning development and social learning in its implementation can assist self-organisation and help empower local communities. Significant benefits are shown to result in: the acquisition and use of collective resources; the development of shared knowledge, skills, values and trust; community leadership; and the development of social networks. Two features of this empowerment model are community-based planning, utilising participatory rural appraisal at the level of the natural village, and the organisation of collective action. These are shown to be effective ways of incorporating procedural justice and social learning in self organisation and community empowerment.

Mapping the conditions of penal hope

This article examines the conditions of penal hope behind suggestions that the penal expansionism of the last three decades may be at a ‘turning point’. The article proceeds by outlining David Green’s (2013b) suggested catalysts of penal reform and considers how applicable they are in the Australian context. Green’s suggested catalysts are: the cycles and saturation thesis; shifts in the dominant conception of the offender; the global financial crisis (GFC) and budgetary constraints; the drop in crime; the emergence of the prisoner re‐entry movement; apparent shifts in public opinion; the influence of evangelical Christian ideas; and the Right on Crime initiative. The article then considers a number of other possible catalysts or forces: the role of trade unions; the role of courts; the emergence of recidivism as a political issue; the influence of ‘evidence based’/‘what works’ discourse; and the emergence of justice reinvestment (JR). The article concludes with some comments about the capacity of criminology and criminologists to contribute to penal reductionism, offering an optimistic assessment for the prospects of a reflexive criminology that engages in and engenders a wider politics around criminal justice issues.