882 resultados para death in public discourse
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Background: Parenteral lipid emulsions (LEs) can influence leukocyte functions. The authors investigated the effect of 2 LEs on leukocyte death in surgical patients with gastrointestinal cancer. Material and Methods: Twenty-five patients from a randomized, double-blind clinical trial (ID: NCT01218841) were randomly included to evaluate leukocyte death after 3 days of preoperative infusion (0.2 g fat/kg/d) of an LE composed equally of medium/long-chain triglycerides and soybean oil (MCTs/LCTs) or pure fish oil (FO). Blood samples were collected before (t0) and after LE infusion (t1) and on the third postoperative day (t2). Results: After LE infusion (t1 vs t0), MCTs/LCTs did not influence cell death; FO slightly increased the proportion of necrotic lymphocytes (5%). At the postoperative period (t2 vs t0), MCTs/LCTs tripled the proportion of apoptotic lymphocytes; FO maintained the slightly increased proportion of necrotic lymphocytes (7%) and reduced the percentage of apoptotic lymphocytes by 74%. In the postoperative period, MCT/LCT emulsion increased the proportion of apoptotic neutrophils, and FO emulsion did not change any parameter of apoptosis in the neutrophil population. There were no differences in lymphocyte or neutrophil death when MCT/LCT and FO treatments were compared during either preoperative or postoperative periods. MCT/LCTs altered the expression of 12 of 108 genes related to cell death, with both pro- and antiapoptotic effects; FO modulated the expression of 7 genes, demonstrating an antiapoptotic effect. Conclusion: In patients with gastrointestinal cancer, preoperative MCT/LCT infusion was associated with postoperative lymphocyte and neutrophil apoptosis. FO has a protective effect on postoperative lymphocyte apoptosis. (JPEN J Parenter Enteral Nutr. 2012; 36: 677-684)
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O objetivo deste artigo, situado no campo da comunicação em saúde, é analisar os sentidos atribuídos discursivamente à febre amarela silvestre durante a cobertura jornalística da epizootia da doença, ocorrida no Brasil no verão 2007-2008. Utilizando o referencial teórico das práticas discursivas e da produção de sentidos no cotidiano e as hipóteses de agendamento (agenda-setting) e enquadramento (framing) da notícia, foram analisadas todas as matérias sobre febre amarela veiculadas pelo jornal Folha de S. Paulo, no período de 21 de dezembro de 2007 a 29 de fevereiro de 2008, e todos os documentos oficiais sobre a epizootia emitidos pela autoridade brasileira de saúde pública entre 3 de janeiro e 28 de fevereiro de 2008. Os achados indicam que as estratégias discursivas da cobertura jornalística relativizaram o discurso da autoridade de saúde pública; priorizaram a divulgação do número de casos; enfatizaram a vacinação como o limite entre a vida e a morte, omitindo riscos do uso indiscriminado do imunobiológico; e propagaram a iminência de uma epidemia de febre amarela de grandes proporções. Essas estratégias deram novos sentidos à doença, deslocando o evento de sua forma silvestre, espacialmente restrita e de gravidade limitada, para a urbana, de caráter epidêmico e potencialmente mais grave. Secundariamente, o estudo permitiu identificar os impactos desse discurso midiático sobre o sistema nacional de imunização e os riscos a que a população foi exposta em função dos sentidos produzidos: em 2008, foram registrados 8 casos de reação grave à vacina, dos quais 6 foram a óbito.
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The lack of specific laboratorial diagnosis methods and precise symptoms makes the toxocariasis a neglected disease in Public Health Services. This study aims to determine the frequency of Toxocara spp. infection in children attended by the Health Public Service of Hospital Municipal de Maringá, South Brazil. To evaluate the association of epidemiological and clinical data, and observational and cross-section study was carried out. From 14,690 attended children/year aged from seven month to 12 years old, 450 serum samples were randomly collected from September/2004 to September/2005. A questionnaire was used to evaluate epidemiological, clinical and hematological data. An ELISA using Toxocara canis larval excretory-secretory products as antigen detected 130 (28.8%) positive sera, mainly between children from seven month to five years old (p = 0.0016). Significant correlation was observed between positive serology for Toxocara, and frequent playing in sandbox at school or daycare center (p = 0.011) and the presence of a cat at home (p = 0.056). From the families, 50% were dog owners which exposed soil backyards. Eosinophilia (p = 0.776), and signs and symptoms analyzed (fever p = 0.992, pneumonia p = 0.289, cold-like symptoms p = 0.277, cough p =0.783, gastrointestinal problems p = 0.877, migraine p = 0.979, abdominal pain p = 0.965, joint pain p = 0.686 and skin rash p = 0.105) could not be related to the presence of anti-Toxocara antibodies. Therefore, two asthmatics children showed titles of1:10,240 and accentuated eosinophilia (p = 0.0001). The authors emphasize the needs of prevention activities.
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[EN] This paper describes the use of perhaps, maybe and possibly in a cross-disciplinary corpus of academic and popularised scientific writing. It accounts for their higher frequency in popularised discourse by investigating their functions in detail. The analysis, conducted from various perspectives (syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and rhetorical), suggests that two factors are at work: the evidential basis for the epistemic assessment and the mode of discourse the marker is most closely associated with.
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This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of manâs characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provineâs (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelliâs (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestlerâs (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Bergerâs (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general âEconomy Ruleâ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic personâs arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the âvillage foolâ, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the âsocial comicâ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmannâs work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohueâs The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Bookerâs Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopperâs Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagherâs Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the authorâs restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his âspecific weightâ, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo lawâs penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a âsocialâ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its âchaptersâ âthe daily articlesâ had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition OâNolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figureâs function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a âculture in commonâ. There is no way for a âculture in commonâ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more âconnectedâ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.
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Come dimostrano i sempre più numerosi casi di cronaca riportati dai notiziari, la preoccupazione per la gestione delle immagini di morte si configura come un nodo centrale che coinvolge spettatori, produttori di contenuti e broadcaster, dato che la sua emersione nel panorama mediale in cui siamo immersi è sempre più evidente. Se la letteratura socio-antropologica è generalmente concorde nel ritenere che, rispetto al passato, oggi la morte si manifesti con meno evidenza nella vita comune delle persone, che tendono a rimuovere i segni della contiguità vivendo il lutto in forma privata, essa è però percepita in modo pervasivo perché disseminata nei (e dai) media. L'elaborato, concentrandosi in maniera specifica sulle produzioni audiovisive, e quindi sulla possibilità intrinseca al cinema – e alle sue forme derivate – di registrare un evento in diretta, tenta di mappare alcune dinamiche di produzione e fruizione considerando una particolare manifestazione della morte: quella che viene comunemente indicata come “morte in diretta”. Dopo una prima ricognizione dedicata alla tensione continua tra la spinta a considerare la morte come l'ultimo tabù e le manifestazioni che essa assume all'interno della “necrocultura”, appare chiaro che il paradigma pornografico risulta ormai inefficace a delineare compiutamente le emersioni della morte nei media, soggetta a opacità e interdizioni variabili, e necessita dunque di prospettive analitiche più articolate. Il fulcro dell'analisi è dunque la produzione e il consumo di precisi filoni quali snuff, cannibal e mondo movie e quelle declinazioni del gore che hanno ibridato reale e fittizio: il tentativo è tracciare un percorso che, a partire dal cinema muto, giunga al panorama contemporaneo e alle pratiche di remix rese possibili dai media digitali, toccando episodi controversi come i Video Nasties, le dinamiche di moral panic scatenate dagli snuff film e quelle di contagio derivanti dalla manipolazione e diffusione delle immagini di morte.
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La tesi di dottorato ivi presentata si pone come obbiettivo la ricostruzione come questo sapere scientifico (la scoperta del cambiamento climatico antropico sostanziata dalla comunità scientifica di 190 paesi) ha influenzato la ricerca, la politica e il discorso pubblico nel nostro paese, l'italia. Il titolo è indicativo quando riassuntivo: Il cambiamento climatico in Italia. Istituzioni scientifiche, politica e discorso pubblico (1988-2012). Esso definisce in maniera puntuale i temi che si tratteranno: una genealogia di fenomeni storici, politici, culturali nati in nuce alla scoperta di questo cambiamento che influenzerà in maniera determinante il modo in cui viviamo, l'ambiente intorno a noi, i modelli di sviluppo, la sicurezza del nostro abitare, la forma delle nostre città. In ogni paese questa complessa scoperta ha avuto impatti differenti, un portato differente sulla ricerca e sullo sviluppo economico. Quello che in queste pagine si tenta di analizzare è come l'Italia ha assimilato il discorso del cambiamento climatico , in continua evoluzione date le sue infinite ramificazioni, e come ha reagito a livello politico e di ricerca.
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Autophagy is a conserved proteolytic mechanism that degrades cytoplasmic material including cell organelles. Although the importance of autophagy for cell homeostasis and survival has long been appreciated, our understanding of how autophagy is regulated at a molecular level just recently evolved. The importance of autophagy for the quality control of proteins is underscored by the fact that many neurodegenerative and myodegenerative diseases are characterized by an increased but still insufficient autophagic activity. Similarly, if the cellular stress, leading to deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) damage, mitochondrial damage and/or damaged proteins, does not result in sufficient autophagic repair mechanisms, cells seem to be prone to transform into tumour cells. Therefore, autophagy has multiple roles to play in the causation and prevention of human diseases.
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The close resemblance of carbon nanotubes to asbestos fibers regarding their high aspect ratio, biopersistence and reactivity increases public concerns on the widespread use of these materials. The purpose of this study was not only to address the acute adverse effects of industrially produced multiwalled carbon nanotubes (MWCNTs) on human lung and immune cells in vitro but also to further understand if their accumulation and biopersistence leads to long-term consequences or induces adaptive changes in these cells. In contrast to asbestos fibers, pristine MWCNTs did not induce overt cell death in A549 lung epithelial cells and Jurkat T lymphocytes after acute exposure to high doses of this material (up to 30 g/ml). Nevertheless, very high levels of reactive oxygen species (ROS) and decreased metabolic activity were observed which might affect long-term viability of these cells. However, the continuous presence of low amounts of MWCNTs (0.5 g/ml) for 6 months did not have major adverse long-term effects although large amounts of nanotubes accumulated at least in A549 cells. Moreover, MWCNTs did not appear to induce adaptive mechanisms against particle stress in long-term treated A549 cells. Our study demonstrates that despite the high potential for ROS formation, pristine MWCNTs can accumulate and persist within cells without having major long-term consequences or inducing adaptive mechanisms.
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To examine the association of baseline body mass index (BMI) with the risk of recurrence or death in postmenopausal women with early-stage breast cancer receiving adjuvant tamoxifen or letrozole in the Breast International Group (BIG) 1-98 trial at 8.7 years of median follow-up.
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Sodium nitroprusside (SNP) is used clinically as a rapid-acting vasodilator and in experimental models as donor of nitric oxide (NO). High concentrations of NO have been reported to induce cardiotoxic effects including apoptosis by the formation of reactive oxygen species. We have therefore investigated effects of SNP on the myofibrillar cytoskeleton, contractility and cell death in long-term cultured adult rat cardiomyocytes at different time points after treatment. Our results show, that SNP treatment at first results in a gradual increase of cytoskeleton degradation marked by the loss of actin labeling and fragmentation of sarcomeric structure, followed by the appearance of TUNEL-positive nuclei. Already lower doses of SNP decreased contractility of cardiomyocytes paced at 2 Hz without changes of intracellular calcium concentration. Ultrastructural analysis of the cultured cells demonstrated mitochondrial changes and disintegration of sarcomeric alignment. These adverse effects of SNP in cardiomyocytes were reminiscent of anthracycline-induced cardiotoxicity, which also involves a dysregulation of NO with the consequence of myofibrillar degradation and ultimately cell death. An inhibition of the pathways leading to the generation of reactive NO products, or their neutralization, may be of significant therapeutic benefit for both SNP and anthracycline-induced cardiotoxicity.
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Parents and children, starting at very young ages, discuss religious and spiritual issues¿where we come from, what happens to us after we die, is there a God, and so on. Unfortunately, few studies have analyzed the content and structure of parent-child conversation about religion and spirituality (Boyatzis & Janicki, 2003; Dollahite & Thatcher, 2009), and most studies have relied on self-report with no direct observation. The current study examined mother-child (M-C) spiritual discourse to learn about its content, structure, and frequency through a survey inventory in combination with direct video observation using a novel structured task. We also analyzed how mothers¿ religiosity along several major dimensions related to their communication behaviors within both methods. Mothers (N = 39, M age = 40) of children aged 3-12 completed a survey packet on M-C spiritual discourse and standard measures of mothers¿ religious fundamentalism, intrinsic religiosity, sanctification of parenting (how much the mother saw herself as doing God¿s work as a parent), and a new measure of parental openness to children¿s spirituality. Then, in a structured task in our lab, mothers (N = 33) and children (M age = 7.33) watched a short film or read a short book that explored death in an age-appropriate manner and then engaged in a videotaped conversation about the movie or book and their religious or spiritual beliefs. Frequency of M-C spiritual discourse was positively related to mothers¿ religious fundamentalism (r = .71, p = .00), intrinsic religiosity (r = .77, p = .00), and sanctification of parenting (r = .79, p = .00), but, surprisingly, was inversely related to mothers¿ v openness to child¿s spirituality (r = -.52, p = .00). Survey data showed that the two most common topics discussed were God (once a week) and religion as it relates to moral issues (once a week). According to mothers their children¿s most common method of initiating spiritual discourse was to repeat what he or she has heard parents or family say about religious issues (M = 2.97; once a week); mothers¿ most common method was to describe their own religious/spiritual beliefs (M = 2.92). Spiritual discourse most commonly occurred either at bedtime or mealtime as reported by 26% of mothers, with the most common triggers reported as daily routine/random thoughts (once a week) and observations of nature (once a week). Mothers¿ most important goals for spiritual discourse were to let their children know that they love them (M = 3.72; very important) and to help them become a good and moral person (M = 3.67; very important). A regression model showed that significant variance in frequency of mother-child spiritual discourse (R2 = .84, p = .00) was predicted by the mothers¿ importance of goals during discourse (ß = 0.46, p = .00), frequency that the mother¿s spirituality was deepened through spiritual discourse (ß = 0.39, p = .00), and the mother¿s fundamentalism (ß = 0.20, p = .05). In a separate regression, the mother¿s comfort in the structured task (ß = 0.70, p = .00), and the number of open-ended questions she asked (ß = -0.26, p = .03) predicted the reciprocity between mother and child (R2 = .62, p = .00). In addition, the mother¿s age (ß = 0.22, p = .059) and comfort during the task (ß = 0.73, p = .00) predicted the child¿s engagement within the structured task. Other findings and theoretical and methodological implications will be discussed.
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This paper uses a survey experiment to examine differences in public attitudes toward 'direct' and 'indirect' government spending. Federal social welfare spending in the USA has two components: the federal government spends money to directly provide social benefits to citizens, and also indirectly subsidizes the private provision of social benefits through tax expenditures. Though benefits provided through tax expenditures are considered spending for budgetary purposes, they differ from direct spending in several ways: in the mechanisms through which benefits are delivered to citizens, in how they distribute wealth across the income spectrum, and in the visibility of their policy consequences to the mass public. We develop and test a model explaining how these differences will affect public attitudes toward spending conducted through direct and indirect means. We find that support for otherwise identical social programs is generally higher when such programs are portrayed as being delivered through tax expenditures than when they are portrayed as being delivered by direct spending. In addition, support for tax expenditure programs which redistribute wealth upward drops when citizens are provided information about the redistributive effects. Both of these results are conditioned by partisanship, with the opinions of Republicans more sensitive to the mechanism through which benefits are delivered, and the opinions of Democrats more sensitive to information about their redistributive effects.
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INTRODUCTION: Whereas most studies focus on laboratory and clinical research, little is known about the causes of death and risk factors for death in critically ill patients. METHODS: Three thousand seven hundred patients admitted to an adult intensive care unit (ICU) were prospectively evaluated. Study endpoints were to evaluate causes of death and risk factors for death in the ICU, in the hospital after discharge from ICU, and within one year after ICU admission. Causes of death in the ICU were defined according to standard ICU practice, whereas deaths in the hospital and at one year were defined and grouped according to the ICD-10 (International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems) score. Stepwise logistic regression analyses were separately calculated to identify independent risk factors for death during the given time periods. RESULTS: Acute, refractory multiple organ dysfunction syndrome was the most frequent cause of death in the ICU (47%), and central nervous system failure (relative risk [RR] 16.07, 95% confidence interval [CI] 8.3 to 31.4, p < 0.001) and cardiovascular failure (RR 11.83, 95% CI 5.2 to 27.1, p < 0.001) were the two most important risk factors for death in the ICU. Malignant tumour disease and exacerbation of chronic cardiovascular disease were the most frequent causes of death in the hospital (31.3% and 19.4%, respectively) and at one year (33.2% and 16.1%, respectively). CONCLUSION: In this primarily surgical critically ill patient population, acute or chronic multiple organ dysfunction syndrome prevailed over single-organ failure or unexpected cardiac arrest as a cause of death in the ICU. Malignant tumour disease and chronic cardiovascular disease were the most important causes of death after ICU discharge.