909 resultados para ambiguity aversion


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El creciente interés en el estudio del comportamiento de rechazo a la escuela se debe a las consecuencias negativas asociadas a esta problemática. Conocer aquellas variables psicoeducativas que predicen esta conducta resulta de interés para la comunidad científica en la actualidad. El objetivo de esta investigación fue analizar la capacidad predictiva el Perfeccionismo Socialmente Prescrito sobre las altas puntuaciones en rechazo escolar. En este estudio participaron 537 estudiantes españoles entre 8 y 12 años. Los instrumentos utilizados fueron la School Refusal Assessment Scale Revised for Children (SRAS-R-C), para medir los cuatro factores que subyacen al comportamiento de rechazo a la escuela (I. Evitar la Afectividad Negativa; II. Escapar de la Aversión Social o Evaluación; III. Búsqueda de la Atención de otras Personas Significativas; IV. Búsqueda de Refuerzos Tangibles Fuera del Ámbito Escolar), y la Child and Adolescent Perfectionism Scale (CAPS), para evaluar la subescala de Perfeccionismo Socialmente Prescrito. A partir de los resultados obtenidos se confirma que la subescala de perfeccionismo evaluada actúa como un predictor positivo de altas puntuaciones en rechazo escolar para los factores II y III de la SRAS-R-C. Estos resultados deben ser valorados por psicólogos escolares y especialistas al evaluar la problemática del rechazo escolar siendo necesario proponer estrategias de prevención e intervención.

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El estudio del afecto y su relación con el comportamiento de rechazo a la escuela es un campo de investigación con escasos trabajos previos. El objetivo de estudio fue analizar la relación entre el Afecto Negativo y los distintos factores que justifican el rechazo escolar en estudiantes de Educación Primaria. La muestra estuvo compuesta por 476 estudiantes españoles con un rango de edad que osciló entre los 8 y los 12 años (M = 10.08; DE = 1.28). Las variables de este estudio fueron evaluadas mediante el 10-Item Positive and Negative Affect Schedule for Children (PANAS-C), para medir la subescala de Afecto Negativo, y la School Refusal Assessment Scale-Revised for Children (SRAS-R-C), para evaluar los cuatro factores que justifican el comportamiento de rechazo a la escuela (I. Evitar la Afectividad Negativa; II. Escapar de la Aversión Social o Evaluación; III. Búsqueda de la Atención de otras Personas Significativas; IV. Búsqueda de Refuerzos Tangibles Fuera del Ámbito Escolar). Los resultados revelaron que existían correlaciones positivas y significativas entre el Afecto Negativo y los tres primeros factores de la SRAS-R-C, mientras que no resultaron significativas para el cuarto factor. Los resultados obtenidos confirman la relación entre sentimientos de afectividad negativa y el rechazo escolar, aspecto que debe ser considerado en el estudio de estos casos.

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During grasping and intelligent robotic manipulation tasks, the camera position relative to the scene changes dramatically because the robot is moving to adapt its path and correctly grasp objects. This is because the camera is mounted at the robot effector. For this reason, in this type of environment, a visual recognition system must be implemented to recognize and “automatically and autonomously” obtain the positions of objects in the scene. Furthermore, in industrial environments, all objects that are manipulated by robots are made of the same material and cannot be differentiated by features such as texture or color. In this work, first, a study and analysis of 3D recognition descriptors has been completed for application in these environments. Second, a visual recognition system designed from specific distributed client-server architecture has been proposed to be applied in the recognition process of industrial objects without these appearance features. Our system has been implemented to overcome problems of recognition when the objects can only be recognized by geometric shape and the simplicity of shapes could create ambiguity. Finally, some real tests are performed and illustrated to verify the satisfactory performance of the proposed system.

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La relación existente entre el perfeccionismo y el rechazo a la escuela es un ámbito de investigación con escasos estudios. El objetivo de este trabajo fue analizar la relación entre Perfeccionismo Socialmente Prescrito (PSP) y rechazo a la escuela en función de los factores II (escapar de la aversión social y/o situaciones de evaluación de la escuela) y III (búsqueda de la atención de otras personas significativas) que justifican esta conducta. La muestra estuvo compuesta por 733 estudiantes españoles entre 8 y 12 años (M= 10.03, DE= 1.25). Los instrumentos utilizados para establecer esta relación fueron la Child and Adolescent Perfecctionism Scale, para medir el perfeccionismo, y la School Refusal Assessment Scale-Revised for Children, para evaluar el rechazo escolar. Los resultados revelaron que los estudiantes que presentaron altas puntuaciones en rechazo escolar, debido a la necesidad de escapar de la aversión social y/o situaciones de evaluación, presentaron puntuaciones significativamente más altas en PSP. Igualmente, los estudiantes con alto rechazo escolar basado en la búsqueda de atención de sus seres queridos, presentaron puntuaciones significativamente más altas en PSP. Así, los resultados apoyaron que existe una relación positiva entre estas dos variables. Estos resultados podrían ser considerados por docentes y psicólogos escolares o clínicos a la hora de diseñar estrategias de prevención e intervención ante casos de rechazo a la escuela.

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Olga Diego Freises (Alacant 1969) estudià Belles Arts a les facultats de València (Universitat Politècnica) i d’Altea (Universitat Miguel Hernández), on es titulà el 2006. La seua activitat artística ―crítica, compromesa i innovadora― s’ha orientat bàsicament a la performança, encara que amb un important suport gràfic i escultòric de dibuixos i de maquetes. Com es habitual, Olga Diego fa servir el vídeo com a medi de registre i/o de suport de les accions. En ocasions el vídeo arriba a ser la base o el format de presentació d’una acció. És, doncs, un registre fotogràfic ―foto mòbil que pot esdevenir foto fixa― allò que conserva la memòria del que es féu o del que passà. En ocasions la gravació és manual i en ocasions la càmera va lligada a un artefacte. S’ofereixen, així, visions diferents de l’acció. En ocasions es treballa amb llum de dia i en ocasions amb llum de foc o de focus, oferint també així visions diferents de l’acció. Per tant, el vídeo es treballa en funció del suggeriment, de la claredat expositiva o de l’ambigüitat que s’intenta. Proposem aquí una introducció als vídeos vinculats a algunes de les accions d’Olga Diego desenvolupades a llocs tan diferents com ara Espanya, Sàhara Occidental Libre i Egipte.

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Two folio-sized leaves containing a handwritten copy of a petition to the Massachusetts House of Representatives from the Committee of the Town of Cambridge (comprised by James Winthrop, William Winthrop, and Ebenezer Stedman). The petition includes eight points related to the tax exemptions of Harvard real estate and the personal property of College administrators and faculty, and requests further tax legislation to remove any ambiguity that prevents the College and associated individuals "from paying a just & equitable proportion of Town and Parish Charges."

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In light of the growing international competition among states and globally operating companies for limited natural resources, export restrictions on raw materials have become a popular means for governments to strive for various goals, including industrial development, natural resource conservation and environmental protection. For instance, China as a major supplier of many raw materials has been using its powerful position to both economic and political ends. The European Union (EU), alongside economic heavyweights such as the US, Japan and Mexico, launched two high-profile cases against such export restrictions by China at the WTO in 2009 and 2012. Against this background, this paper analyses the EU’s motivations in the initiation of trade disputes on export restrictions at WTO, particularly focusing on the two cases with China. It argues that the EU's WTO complaints against export restrictions on raw materials are to a large extent motivated by its economic and systemic interests rather than political interests. The EU is more likely to launch a WTO complaint, the stronger the potential and actual impact on its economy, the more ambiguous the WTO rules and the stronger the internal or external lobbying by member states or companies. This argumentation is based on the analysis of pertinent factors such as the economic impact, the ambiguity of WTO law on export restrictions and the pressure by individual member states on the EU as well as the role of joint complaints at the WTO and political considerations influencing the EU’s decision-making process.

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Problématique : Les prématurés évoluent dans l’unité néonatale qui présente une intensité lumineuse parfois forte et variable, ce qui a pour effet de provoquer une instabilité physiologique, ainsi qu’une augmentation du niveau d’activité motrice chez ces derniers. Par ailleurs, le contrôle de l’éclairage à l’unité néonatale favorise la stabilité physiologique et réduit le niveau d’activité motrice des prématurés. Deux méthodes de contrôle de l’éclairage ont été étudiées, soit l’éclairage tamisé constant et l’éclairage cyclique. Or, la méthode de contrôle de l’éclairage la plus appropriée au système nerveux immature des prématurés est inconnue et il y a ambivalence en ce qui concerne les résultats des études ayant évalué ces deux modes de contrôle de l’éclairage. But : Le but de cette étude était de mesurer les effets de l’éclairage cyclique versus l’éclairage tamisé constant sur la stabilité physiologique et le niveau d’activité motrice de prématurés nés entre 28 et 32 semaines d’âge gestationnel. Méthode : Un essai clinique randomisé a été réalisé. Les 38 prématurés recrutés dans une unité néonatale de niveaux II et III d’un hôpital universitaire, ont été randomisés dans l’un des deux groupes d’intervention, soit le groupe exposé à l’éclairage tamisé constant ou celui exposé à l’éclairage cyclique. Ces deux types d’éclairage ont été appliqués pendant 24 heures. La stabilité physiologique a été mesurée par le score Stability of the Cardio Respiratory System in Premature Infants (SCRIP) et le niveau d’activité motrice a été mesuré avec un accéléromètre (Actiwatch®). L’intensité lumineuse à laquelle les prématurés ont été exposés a été mesurée de façon continue à l’intérieur de l’incubateur à l’aide d’un photomètre. Résultats : L’analyse des données révèle qu’il n’y aucune différence significative entre les deux groupes d’intervention en ce qui a trait à la stabilité physiologique (valeur-p du score SCRIP de 0,54 à 0,96) et au niveau d’activité motrice (valeur-p de 0,09 à 0,88). Les participants des deux groupes ont manifesté une stabilité physiologique et un niveau d’activité motrice comparables. Conclusion : Des interventions de contrôle de l’éclairage doivent être adoptées à l’unité néonatale, que ce soit des interventions qui permettent la mise en œuvre de l’éclairage cyclique ou de l’éclairage tamisé constant, dans le but de favoriser l’adaptation du prématuré à l’environnement de l’unité néonatale. Des recherches additionnelles sont requises afin d’identifier la méthode de contrôle de l’éclairage (éclairage cyclique ou éclairage tamisé constant) qui doit être implantée à l’unité néonatale.

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Evidence shows that financial integration in the euro area is retrenching at a quicker pace than outside the union. Home bias persists: Governments compete on funding costs by supporting ‘their’ banks with massive state aids, which distorts the playing field and feeds the risk-aversion loop. This situation intensifies friction in credit markets, thus hampering the transmission of monetary policies and, potentially, economic growth. This paper discusses the theoretical foundations of a banking union in a common currency area and the legal and economic aspects of EU responses. As a result, two remedies are proposed to deal with moral hazard in a common currency area: a common (unlimited) financial backstop to a privately funded recapitalisation/resolution fund and a blanket prohibition on state aids.

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This paper focuses on the ethnic dimension of xenophobia, as understood as aversion, fear or hostility vis-a-vis members of other nationalities, as well as the related radical nationalist ideas founded on the concept of the dominant (and often discriminatory) role of the Russians in the Russian Federation, with reference to racism or neo-Nazism. This text primarily presents xenophobia as an enormous social problem in today's Russia, which is not being addressed at the moment, but is instead being exploited by both the authorities and radical nationalist groups. This paper attempts to describe and understand the causes of xenophobia and the reasons for the popularity of extremely nationalist views among ethnic Russians. It also seeks to estimate the scale of the problem and the potential threat it may create in the future. The first part describes the different manifestations of xenophobia in present-day Russia. It identifies the groups most exposed to ethnically motivated violence and persecution, as well as the most xenophobic communities, and discusses the scale of the problem and its specific characteristics in the context of Russian reality. The second part looks into the underlying causes of xenophobic sentiments among Russians, while the last chapters delve into the authorities' attitude towards the problem and seek to answer the question of whether radical nationalist ideas may in future come to dominate Russia's political scene.

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Europe’s peace and security are challenged by the events taking place in the Eastern Partnership region. Amid growing tensions between the European Union (EU) and Russia, the fate of countries in the common neighbourhood and their progress towards democracy are increasingly at stake. This paper tries to understand to what extent Russia is undermining EU democracy promotion in the Union’s eastern neighbourhood. By focusing on the cases of Armenia and Moldova, EU democracy promotion is analysed in light of the triangular relationship between the countries under scrutiny, the EU and Russia. It argues that domestic conditions and external pressures, linked through the filter of problems of ‘stateness’, are both crucial and mutually reinforcing for democratisation. The paper shows that Russia can undermine EU democracy promotion to the extent that it strengthens the aversion of domestic political forces to democracy-oriented reforms.

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Summary. On 11 March 2011, a devastating earthquake struck Japan and caused a major nuclear accident at the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant. The disaster confirmed that nuclear reactors must be protected even against accidents that have been assessed as highly unlikely. It also revealed a well-known catalogue of problems: faulty design, insufficient back-up systems, human error, inadequate contingency plans, and poor communications. The catastrophe triggered the rapid launch of a major re-examination of nuclear reactor security in Europe. It also stopped in its tracks what had appeared to be a ‘nuclear renaissance’, both in Europe and globally, especially in the emerging countries. Under the accumulated pressure of rising demand and climate warming, many new nuclear projects had been proposed. Since 2011 there has been more ambivalence, especially in Europe. Some Member States have even decided to abandon the nuclear sector altogether. This Egmont Paper aims to examine the reactions of the EU regarding nuclear safety since 2011. Firstly, a general description of the nuclear sector in Europe is provided. The nuclear production of electricity currently employs around 500,000 people, including those working in the supply chain. It generates approximately €70 billion per year. It provides roughly 30% of the electricity consumed in the EU. At the end of 2013, there were 131 nuclear power reactors active in the EU, located in 14 countries. Four new reactors are under construction in France, Slovakia and Finland. Secondly, this paper will present the Euratom legal framework regarding nuclear safety. The European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom) Treaty was signed in 1957, and somewhat obscured by the European Economic Community (EEC) Treaty. It was a more classical treaty, establishing institutions with limited powers. Its development remained relatively modest until the Chernobyl catastrophe, which provoked many initiatives. The most important was the final adoption of the Nuclear Safety Directive 2009/71. Thirdly, the general symbiosis between Euratom and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) will be explained. Fourthly, the paper analyses the initiatives taken by the EU in the wake of the Fukushima catastrophe. These initiatives are centred around the famous ‘stress tests’. Fifthly, the most important legal change brought about by this event was the revision of Directive 2009/71. Directive 2014/87 has been adopted quite rapidly, and has deepened in various ways the role of the EU in nuclear safety. It has reinforced the role and effective independence of the national regulatory authorities. It has enhanced transparency on nuclear safety matters. It has strengthened principles, and introduced new general nuclear safety objectives and requirements, addressing specific technical issues across the entire life cycle of nuclear installations, and in particular, nuclear power plants. It has extended monitoring and the exchange of experiences by establishing a European system of peer reviews. Finally, it has established a mechanism for developing EU-wide harmonized nuclear safety guidelines. In spite of these various improvements, Directive 2014/87 Euratom still reflects the ambiguity of the Euratom system in general, and especially in the field of nuclear safety. The use of nuclear energy remains controversial among Member States. Some of them remain adamantly in favour, others against or ambivalent. The intervention of the EAEC institutions remains sensitive. The use of the traditional Community method remains limited. The peer review method remains a very peculiar mechanism that deserves more attention.

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From Introduction. The Ukrainian crisis, which deepened in February with the invasion of the Crimean peninsula by Russia, has exposed a serious poverty of strategy and leadership from Europe and the US. Such a lack of strategic vision in responding to the Ukrainian crisis, considered by Nicholas Burns among others, as one of the greatest crises in Europe since 1991, diverges between the European Union and the US. It is undeniable that the western leadership is unable to get its act together. In the US, the perpetual fratricide between the republicans and democrats over anything is affecting the development and implementation of sound foreign policies, while in the EU, there is no clear European leadership emerging, neither from the 28 Member States nor the High Representative and Presidents of the Council and Commission. The EU is once again facing its perpetual policy of risk aversion. On the one hand, the US remains conflicted in identifying its identity in this post-liberal world order, while the EU difficulty faces the inevitable limitation of its soft power. With a West in crisis, no decent strategy and/or policy to unravel, or at least contain, the Ukrainian crisis can emerge in this axiomatic moment with the making of the new world order.

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Turkey is headed to its second parliamentary election in five months with snap polls slated for November 1. The election will take place in a highly charged atmosphere with escalating violence and financial volatility. The renewed conflict between Turkey and the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is spreading throughout the country with the rise of ethnic tensions posing a big threat to internal harmony. Even a peace rally in the capital Ankara was hit by suicide bombers marking the deadliest terror attack in Turkey's history. Turkey, which has always been the most stable country in a turbulent region, risks its security being seriously jeopardised unless the violence is urgently stopped and the political ambiguity is ended through a stable government.

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Turkey is headed to its second parliamentary election in five months with snap polls slated for November 1. The election will take place in a highly charged atmosphere with escalating violence and financial volatility. The renewed conflict between Turkey and the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) is spreading throughout the country with the rise of ethnic tensions posing a big threat to internal harmony. Even a peace rally in the capital Ankara was hit by suicide bombers marking the deadliest terror attack in Turkey's history. Turkey, which has always been the most stable country in a turbulent region, risks its security being seriously jeopardised unless the violence is urgently stopped and the political ambiguity is ended through a stable government.