Representing Afghanistan: The United States and Democracy's Imposition

There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

Cutaneous malignant melanoma: A study of skin cancer in the United States from 1973--1997

Cutaneous malignant melanoma (CMM) is the cancer of the melanocytes, the cells that produce the pigment melanin, and is an aggressive skin cancer that is most prevalent in the white population. Although most cases of malignant melanoma are white, black and other non-white populations also develop this disease. However, the etiologic factors involved in the development of melanoma in these lower-risk populations are not well known. Generally, survival rates of malignant melanoma have been found to be lower in blacks than for whites with similar stage of disease at diagnosis. ^ This study presents an analysis of the differences in survival between black and white cases with malignant melanoma of the skin as the only or first primary cancer, found in the National Cancer Institute Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) cancer registry from 1973 to 1997. A total of 54,193 cases of CMM were diagnosed in black and white patients between 1973 and 1997. Black patients tended to be older, with a mean age of 64.46 years, compared to 53.14 years for white patients. Eighty-nine percent of patients were diagnosed with CMM as the only cancer. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)^

The status of genetically modified foods internationally and in the United States

Biotechnology refers to the broad set of techniques that allow genetic manipulation of organisms. The techniques of biotechnology have broad implications for many industries, however it promises the greatest innovations in the production of products regulated by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). Like many other powerful new technologies, biotechnology may carry risks as well as benefits. Several of its applications have engendered fervent emotional reactions and raised serious ethical concerns, especially internationally. ^ First, in my paper I discuss the historical and technical background of biotechnology. Second, I examine the development of biotechnology in Europe, the citizens' response to genetically modified (“GM”) foods and the governments' response. Third, I examine the regulation of bioengineered products and foods in the United States. ^ In conclusion, there are various problems with the current status of regulation of GM foods in the United States. These are four basic flaws: (1) the Coordinated Framework allows for too much jurisdictional overlap of biotechnological foods, (2) GM foods are considered GRAS and consequently, are placed on the market without pre-market approval, (3) federal mandatory labeling of GM foods cannot occur until the question of whether or not nondisclosure of a genetic engineering production processes is misleading or material information and (4) an independent state-labeling scheme of GM foods will most likely impede interstate commerce. ^

A model of factors determining levels of public support for health care policy in the United States

Public preferences for policy are formed in a little-understood process that is not adequately described by traditional economic theory of choice. In this paper I suggest that U.S. aggregate support for health reform can be modeled as tradeoffs among a small number of behavioral values and the stage of policy development. The theory underlying the model is based on Samuelson, et al.'s (1986) work and Wilke's (1991) elaboration of it as the Greed/Efficiency/Fairness (GEF) hypothesis of motivation in the management of resource dilemmas, and behavioral economics informed by Kahneman and Thaler's prospect theory. ^ The model developed in this paper employs ordered probit econometric techniques applied to data derived from U.S. polls taken from 1990 to mid-2003 that measured support for health reform proposals. Outcome data are four-tiered Likert counts; independent variables are dummies representing the presence or absence of operationalizations of each behavioral variable, along with an integer representing policy process stage. Marginal effects of each independent variable predict how support levels change on triggering that variable. Model estimation results indicate a vanishingly small likelihood that all coefficients are zero and all variables have signs expected from model theory. ^ Three hypotheses were tested: support will drain from health reform policy as it becomes increasingly well-articulated and approaches enactment; reforms appealing to fairness through universal health coverage will enjoy a higher degree of support than those targeted more narrowly; health reforms calling for government operation of the health finance system will achieve lower support than those that do not. Model results support the first and last hypotheses. Contrary to expectations, universal health care proposals did not provide incremental support beyond those targeted to “deserving” populations—children, elderly, working families. In addition, loss of autonomy (e.g. restrictions on choice of care giver) is found to be the “third rail” of health reform with significantly-reduced support. When applied to a hypothetical health reform in which an employer-mandated Medical Savings Account policy is the centerpiece, the model predicts support that may be insufficient to enactment. These results indicate that the method developed in the paper may prove valuable to health policy designers. ^

A Brief History of Affordable Housing Cooperatives in the United States

For over 75 years housing cooperatives have been a source of affordable housing. Currently, the 376,000 dwelling units of affordable cooperatives is equivalent to seventeen percent of the rent reduction units owned by publichousing authorities. Understanding that affordable cooperatives have been developed under varying historical circumstances provides insights on how they could play a role in the future supply of affordable housing. The history of affordable co-ops starts during the 1920s and after World War II with the ethnic, union, and New York government financed co-ops. Through the 1960s and the early 1970s cooperatives were financed by various federal direct assistance programs. Since the late 1970s co-ops have been sponsored by nonprofit organizations and by federal and municipal government privatization programs. A workable institutional structure for affordable cooperatives has developed as a result of this historical evolution.

The Right to Die Debate: The Demonization of Dr. Kevorkian and the Creation of a Moral Panic Surrounding Physician-Assisted Suicide in the United States

The Right to Die Debate is a recent but highly controversial moral matter. In particular, physician-assisted suicide (PAS) is an issue that has been evaded by the medical community for years. As of 1990, most states had never encountered the issue before and therefore did not have any laws in place to prohibit PAS (Strate et. al, 2005). Dr. Jack Kevorkian, a retired pathologist from Royal Oak Michigan was the first to publicly address PAS. He brought the issue into the limelight through a bizarre and crude series of assisted deaths that had a lasting impact on not only the Right to Die Debate as whole, but on public policy and both federal and state governmental agendas. This study focuses on the way in which the media, in particular the New York Times (NYT) has portrayed Dr. Jack Kevorkian as incompetent, morally culpable and in an overall negative light in the past twenty years. Applying Stanley Cohen’s 1972 theory of moral panic, a content analysis of NYT media publications between 1990 and 1999 supports Cohen’s theory and reveals that the media has created a moral panic surrounding Kevorkian. This has in turn led to public policy that prevents both terminally ill individuals and their doctors from having a desirable choice; that of voluntary euthanasia and PAS.

Splitsville: A Study of Income Inequality and Political Polarization in the United States House of Representatives

The study compares a measure of income inequality with polarization scores of U.S. Representatives from the 104th to the 109th Congresses. It attempts to explain the link, on the abstract level, between high inequality and high polarization. The end findings indicate that inequality increases a Representative's likelihood to act liberally.

Dynamic Stock Market Interactions between the Canadian, Mexican, and the United States Markets: The NAFTA Experience

This paper explores the dynamic linkages that portray different facets of the joint probability distribution of stock market returns in NAFTA (i.e., Canada, Mexico, and the US). Our examination of interactions of the NAFTA stock markets considers three issues. First, we examine the long-run relationship between the three markets, using cointegration techniques. Second, we evaluate the dynamic relationships between the three markets, using impulse-response analysis. Finally, we explore the volatility transmission process between the three markets, using a variety of multivariate GARCH models. Our results also exhibit significant volatility transmission between the second moments of the NAFTA stock markets, albeit not homogenous. The magnitude and trend of the conditional correlations indicate that in the last few years, the Mexican stock market exhibited a tendency toward increased integration with the US market. Finally, we do note that evidence exists that the Peso and Asian financial crises as well as the stock-market crash in the US affect the return and volatility time-series relationships.

Two Perspectives on GIS/LIS Education in the United States

Education in Geographic information science (GIS/LIS) happens in the United States both within surveying-related academic programs and in other academic programs that use spatially oriented data and information. This article presents an overview of two such programs. The first is a four-year Bachelor of Science degree program in Geographic Information Science at Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi. The second is a concentration with a four-year Bachelor of Science degree program in Natural Resources at the University of Connecticut (UConn). Geographic information science is the primary focus of the Texas A&M program, whereas GIS/LIS is an emphasis of the UConn program. Both approaches are presented for comparison.

The treatment of women and children in the Congo State : 1895 - 1904 ; an appeal to the women of the British Empire, and of the United States of America

by E. D. Morel

The Congo Slave State : a protest against the new African slavery ; and an appeal to the public of Great Britain, of the United States, and of the Continent of Europe

by Edmund D. Morel

Racial and ethnic disparities in diabetes mellitus and hypertension: Influence of income and insurance status in a cross-sectional study of the United States

Racial/ethnic disparities in diabetes mellitus (DM) and hypertension (HTN) have been observed and explained by socioeconomic status (education level, income level, etc.), screening, early diagnosis, treatment, prognostic factors, and adherence to treatment regimens. To the author's knowledge, there are no studies addressing disparities in hypertension and diabetes mellitus utilizing Hispanics as the reference racial/ethnic group and adjusting for sociodemographics and prognostic factors. This present study examined racial/ethnic disparities in HTN and DM and assessed whether this disparity is explained by sociodemographics. To assess these associations, the study utilized a cross-sectional design and examined the distribution of the covariates for racial/ethnic group differences, using the Pearson Chi Square statistic. The study focused on Non-Hispanic Blacks since this ethnic group is associated with the worst health outcomes. Logistic regression was used to estimate the prevalence odds ratio (POR) and to adjust for the confounding effects of the covariates. Results indicated that except for insurance coverage, there were statistically significant differences between Non-Hispanic Blacks and Non-Hispanic Whites, as well as Hispanics with respect to study covariates. In the unadjusted logistic regression model, there was a statistically significant increased prevalence of hypertension among Non-Hispanic Blacks compared to Hispanics, POR 1.36, 95% CI 1.02-1.80. Low income was statistically significantly associated with increased prevalence of hypertension, POR 0.38, 95% CI 0.32-0.46. Insurance coverage, though not statistically significant, was associated with an increase in the prevalence of hypertension, p>0.05. Concerning DM, Non-Hispanic Blacks were more likely to be diabetic, POR 1.10, 95% CI 0.85-1.47. High income was statistically significantly associated with decreased prevalence of DM, POR 0.47, 95% CI 0.39-0.57. After adjustment for the relevant covariates, the racial disparities between Hispanics and Non-Hispanic Blacks in HTN was removed, adjusted prevalence odds (APOR) 1.21, 95% CI 0.88-1.67. In this sample, there was racial/ethnic disparity in hypertension but not in diabetes mellitus between Hispanics and Non-Hispanic Blacks, with disparities in hypertension associated with socioeconomic status (family income, education, marital status) and also by alcohol, physical activity and age. However, race, education and BMI as class variables were statistically significantly associated with hypertension and diabetes mellitus p<0.0001. ^