842 resultados para VIOLENT
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The relations of the European Union (EU) with Africa are increasingly spreading beyond the domain of humanitarian and development cooperation. The continent’s growing potential is producing vast webs of interlinkages in the realms of energy and commerce, among others. At the same time, such interdependencies bring with them increased vulnerabilities to insecurity on the continent. Nigeria exemplifies such a dilemma. The country has just taken the top spot as Africa’s largest economy. Of late, however, violent Islamic extremism ravages the north of the country, threatening the stability of one of Europe’s foremost energy suppliers and a growing trade partner. Thus, this paper sets out to uncover the EU’s response to such a crisis, as well as examining the factors lying behind this response. While the study argues that the issue is potentially ‘Europeaniz-able’ from a member state perspective, deep engagement is seen to be held back by the absence of an effective entry point for securitization with this important ally, as well as the intractability of the EU’s purported multi-functional approach to the idiosyncrasies of the conflict in question, in which not only transnational terrorist groups, but also the central government are centrally implicated in deepening insecurity.
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The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.
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When Federica Mogherini visited the South Caucasus in March, she was quoted as saying that the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was a top priority for the EU. Facts, however, do not seem to match the words of the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. As violent clashes in the conflict zone unfolded over the past week, the EU was a passive observer, with few visible signs of engagement apart from a cursory phone call urging Armenia and Azerbaijan to show restraint. The escalation has shown how quickly and dangerously the situation can develop, and the unassailable nature of the Line of Contact (LoC). If the diplomatic efforts to resolve the conflict show no progress, a repetition is very probable. Furthermore, it is likely the next incident will be more devastating in human and material costs than this recent one, and may not be contained so quickly. The EU needs to be part of the renewed diplomatic effort.
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Introdução: As pressões constantes do mundo laboral e, a especificidade do seu trabalho expõe os enfermeiros a actos de violência como o mobbing ou assédio moral. Este é um fenómeno dissimulado e psicossocial que afecta o indivíduo, o grupo de trabalho e a organização e, que importa aprender a combater. Objectivos: Determinar a prevalência de mobbing nos enfermeiros; caracterizar o mobbing; relacionar a influência das características sociodemográficas e profissionais na percepção de mobbing dos enfermeiros. Metodologia: Estudo quantitativo, de carácter descritivo-correlacional, transversal. A amostra não probabilística por conveniência foi constituída por 143 enfermeiros do Hospital Sousa Martins, Guarda. Maioritariamente são mulheres (71,3%) e, com média de idades de 37 anos. Possuem formação base 71,3%, 69,9% pratica horário rotativo, 69,2% tem vínculo estável e, tempo médio de exercício profissional de 14 anos. Os dados foram colhidos através de questionário que integrou a escala LIPT-60. Resultados: Os enfermeiros em estudo experienciaram baixos níveis de mobbing no seu contexto laboral. Em média, referem sentir oito condutas de assédio moral com efeito (0,20) e intensidade reduzida (1,37). As condutas mais experimentadas visam o bloqueio à comunicação e a difamação. Cerca de 42,0% dos enfermeiros admitem já ter sido vítima de mobbing e 24,1% referem que aconteceu por um período de seis meses. Os principais agressores identificados foram os médicos (40,0%) e os superiores hierárquicos (37,1%). Contudo, a percepção de mobbing é maior à medida que se progride na carreira, bem como nos enfermeiros que praticam regime de horário fixo e, que trabalham no mesmo serviço há 5 – 10 anos. Conclusões: Apesar dos baixos índices de percepção de mobbing, este está presente no contexto laboral dos enfermeiros tornando-os vulneráveis e afectando a prestação de cuidados. Os ataques sentidos acontecem sobretudo, de forma dissimulada fazendo denotar a gravidade deste fenómeno, sobre o qual impera prevenir e intervir. Palavras-Chave: Mobbing; Assédio moral; Abuso psicológico; Violência psicológica; Agressão psicológica no trabalho.
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Road Traffic accidents are the leading cause of violent death and a major cause of death and sequelae in young and economically active population in developed and developing countries. Numbers that can only be compared to wars, which exemplifies the consequences of these lesions in economic and social terms. In 2002, about 1.2 million people died in traffic accidents, and in 2020, it is estimated that this number will double according to the World Health Organization (WHO). Only a small percentage of these are generated by vehicle faults or adverse conditions. The vast majority of accidents are caused by carelessness, negligence or malpractice of drivers or pedestrians, which makes the reconstruction of accidents a key step in the investigation and prevention of further accidents.
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El presente trabajo busca profundizar en el análisis de los vínculos existentes entre el primer gobierno peronista y la cuestión indígena, centrándose en las políticas gubernamentales desarrolladas por el gobierno de Perón frente a dos fuertes conflictos violentos que tuvieron lugar entre 1946 y 1947: el "Malón de la paz", la movilización indígena llevada a cabo entre mayo y agosto de 1947, cuando 174 kollas caminaron 2000 kilómetros desde la Puna y el valle de Orán hasta la Capital Federal para reclamar por la titularidad de sus tierras, en manos de terratenientes y en denuncia de las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajaban; y "Masacre de Rincón Bomba", el conflicto desarrollado en una pequeña localidad de Formosa, cuando indígenas de comunidades wichi, tobas y principalmente pilagás fueron masacradas por la Gendarmería Nacional en un confuso episodio, que sale a la luz hace pocos años. El objetivo en ambos puntos es doble: por un lado analizar la relación entre los intereses e intenciones del gobierno de Juan Domingo Perón para con las comunidades originarias, visibilizando su existencia y sus condiciones de vida en tanto sujetos de derechos históricamente vulnerados. Por otro, abrir el debate historiográfico sobre el quehacer de los historiadores respecto de una temática que ha sido silenciada durante décadas, negando la existencia y la identidad de los pueblos originarios
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El trabajo explora la emergencia de temas y la constitución de problemas públicos que integran la agenda de la seguridad en Argentina en la etapa democrática a partir de procesos vinculados a la problematización pública de muertes violentas constituidas como casos conmocionantes. Con estos fines, el análisis integra la reconstrucción en el registro de la acción pública de casos conmocionantes con una revisión de trabajos que desde las ciencias sociales abordan dimensiones de la muerte violenta y problemas vinculados a la agenda nacional de la seguridad. Como punto de llegada del análisis destacamos la capacidad que en la actualidad manifiesta la inseguridad para absorber e integrar dimensiones en tanto problema que se constituye como un guion cultural privilegiado para la comprensión de la violencia, que sintetiza sentidos sociales circulantes sobre el riesgo y que sirve de plataforma para la demanda política de amplios sectores de la ciudadanía.
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We used a novel system of three continuous wave Doppler radars to successfully record the directivity of i) Strombolian explosions from the active lava lake of Erebus volcano, Antarctica, ii) eruptions at Stromboli volcano, Italy, and iii) a man-made explosion in a quarry. Erebus volcano contains a convecting phonolite lava lake, presumably connected to a magma chamber at depth. It is one of the few open vent volcanoes that allow a direct observation of source processes during explosions. Its lava lake is the source of frequent violent Strombolian explosions, caused by large gas bubbles bursting at the lake surface. The exact mechanism of these bubble bursts is unclear, as is the mechanism of the creation of the infrasound signal accompanying the explosions. We use the Doppler radar data to calculate the directivity of Strombolian eruptions at Erebus. This allows us to derive information about the expected type of infrasound source pattern (i.e. the role of a dipole in addition to the monopole signature) and the physical structure of the volcano. We recorded 10 large explosions simultaneously with three radars, enabling us to calculate time series of 3D directivity vectors (i.e. effectively 4D), which describe the direction of preferred expansion of the gas bubble during an explosion. Such directivity information allows a comparison to dipole infrasound radiation patterns recorded during similar explosions only a few weeks later. Video observations of explosions support our interpretation of the measurements. We conclude that at Erebus, the directivity of explosions is mainly controlled by random processes. Since the geometry of the uppermost conduit is assumed to have a large effect on the directivity of explosions, the results suggest a largely symmetrical uppermost conduit with a vertical axis of symmetry. For infrasound recordings, a significant dipole signature can be expected in addition to the predominant monopole signature.
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Shipping list no.: 2004-0092-P.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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In the "Alcance al Mercurio peruano," Lima, 1833, Rodríguez made a violent attack on General O'Higgins, who at once instituted suit for libel. The "Acusacion," an elaborate defence of O'Higgins, is chiefly a compilation of documents relating to his revolutionary career, ostensibly by Ascencio, but in reality prepared by José Joaquín de Mora. cf. Prólogo, t. 12; also, Figueroa, Dicc. biog. de estranjeros en Chile, 1900, p. 154, where the name Ascencio is asserted to be a pseudonym.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"January 1999."
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In this book researchers investigate what happened after violent protests all over the country had forced President Suharto to step down in 1998 and Indonesia successfully made the transition from an authoritarian state to a democracy. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.
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At head of title: Research and program evaluation in Illinois: studies on drug abuse and violent crime.