895 resultados para Urban modernization between 1850-1924
Resumo:
According to Corine Land Cover databases, in Europe between 1990 and 2000,77% of new artificial surfaces were built on previous agrarian areas. Urban sprawl ¡s far from being under control, between 2000 and 2006 new artificial land has grown in larger proportion than the decade before. In Spain, like in most countries, the impact of urban sprawl during the last decades has been especially significant in periurban agrarian spaces: between 2000 and 2006, 73% of new artificial surfaces were built on previous agrarian areas. The indirect impact of this trend has been even more relevant, as the expectations of appreciation in the value of land after new urban developments reinforce the ongoing trend of abandonment of agricultural land. In Madrid between 1980 and 2000 the loss of agricultural land due to abandonment of exploitation was 2-fold that due to transformation into urban areas. By comparing four case studies: Valladolild, Montpellier.Florence and Den Haag, this paper explores if urban and territorial planning may contribute to reduce urban pressure on the hinterland. In spite of their diversity, these regions have in common a relative prosperity arising from their territorial endowments, though their landscapes are still under pressure. The three last ones have been working for years on mainstream concepts like multifunctional agriculture. The systematic comparison and the analysis of successful approaches provide some clues on how to reconsider urban planning in order to preserve agricultural land. The final remarks highlight the context in which public commitment, legal protection instruments and financial strategies may contribute to the goals of urban, peri-urban or regional planning about fostering agrarian ecosystem services
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A total of 92 samples of street dust were collected in Luanda, Angola, were sieved below 100 μm, and analysed by ICP-MS for 35 elements after an aqua-regia digestion. The concentration and spatial heterogeneity of trace elements in the street dust of Luanda are generally lower than in most industrialized cities in the Northern hemisphere. These observations reveal a predominantly “natural” origin for the street dust in Luanda, which is also manifested in that some geochemical processes that occur in natural soils are preserved in street dust: the separation of uranium from thorium, and the retention of the former by carbonate materials, or the high correlation between arsenic and vanadium due to their common mode of adsorption on solid particles in the form of oxyanions. The only distinct anthropogenic fingerprint in the composition of Luanda's street dust is the association Pb–Cd–Sb–Cu (and to a lesser extent, Ba–Cr–Zn). The use of risk assessment strategies has proved helpful in identifying the routes of exposure to street dust and the trace elements therein of most concern in terms of potential adverse health effects. In Luanda the highest levels of risk seem to be associated (a) with the presence of As and Pb in the street dust and (b) with the route of ingestion of dust particles, for all the elements included in the study except Hg, for which inhalation of vapours presents a slightly higher risk than ingestion. However, given the large uncertainties associated with the estimates of toxicity values and exposure factors, and the absence of site-specific biometric factors, these results should be regarded as preliminary and further research should be undertaken before any definite conclusions regarding potential health effects are drawn.
Origin and patterns of distribution of trace elements in street dust. Unleaded petrol and urban lead
Resumo:
The elemental composition, patterns of distribution and possible sources of street dust are not common to all urban environments, but vary according to the peculiarities of each city. The common features and dissimilarities in the origin and nature of street dust were investigated through a series of studies in two widely different cities, Madrid (Spain) and Oslo (Norway), between 1990 and 1994. The most comprehensive sampling campaign was carried out in the Norwegian capital during the summer of 1994. An area of 14 km2, covering most of downtown Oslo and some residential districts to the north of the city, was divided into 1 km2 mapping units, and 16 sampling increments of approximately 150 g were collected from streets and roads in each of them. The fraction below 100 μm was acid-digested and analysed by ICP-MS. Statistical analyses of the results suggest that chemical elements in street dust can be classified into three groups: “urban” elements (Ba, Cd, Co, Cu, Mg, Pb, Sb, Ti, Zn), “natural” elements (Al, Ga, La, Mn, Na, Sr, Th, Y) and elements of a mixed origin or which have undergone geochemical changes from their original sources (Ca, Cs, Fe, Mo, Ni, Rb, Sr, U). Soil resuspension and/or mobilisation appears to be the most important source of “natural” elements, while “urban” elements originate primarily from traffic and from the weathering and corrosion of building materials. The data for Pb seem to prove that the gradual shift from leaded to unleaded petrol as fuel for automobiles has resulted in an almost proportional reduction in the concentration of Pb in dust particles under 100 μm. This fact and the spatial distribution of Pb in the city strongly suggest that lead sources other than traffic (i.e. lead accumulated in urban soil over the years) may contribute as much lead, if not more, to urban street dust.
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The key of mobility in urban planning is not in dispute. Integrated strategies that take into account the interrelations among land use, transport supply and demand and the different transportation modes are more necessary than ever. In Europe, regulatory tools such as local mobility plans or traffic plans have been enforced for a long time, evolving into so-called sustainable urban transport plans (SUTP) ? that is, plans thatmerge urban planning,mobility governance, social awareness and environmental safeguards to develop a vision based on sustainability and equity. Indeed, SUTP are aimed at solving typical problems in current land use, such as urban sprawl, which make clear the need for a paradigm shift from transport (or mobility) planning to land use (or city) planning, thereby producing urban mobility plans that are fully aligned with integrated urban development plans. This paper describes how SUTP are articulated across Europe according to four case studies: Peterborough (UK), Chambe¿ry (France), Ferrara (Italy) and Pinto (Spain), to highlight variations and commonalities, both among the four national legal frameworks and the actual planning processes at the local level. Objectives, measures and indicators used in the monitoring and evaluation phases have been analysed and the results assessed. The main conclusion of the paper is that, as seen in these real-life examples, the lack of integration between spatial planning and transport strategies results in the unsustainability of urban areas and, therefore, in a significant loss of competitiveness.
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The bridge over the Mittellandkanal is located in the municipality of Braunschweig, a city of Low Saxony located in Mid-North Germany, between Berlin and Hannover, 50 km away from this last city. The city of Braunschwig has 248.867 inhabitants (December 2010). The orography of the zone is practically even, with some slopes in the surrounding area, with a no important variation of the ground elevation, characterized by a big uniformity and a great visual quality. In this zone the canal flows from west to east, from the Dortmundkanal until the Elbe river, so it has a length of 325,3 km. The normal flora from the zone is farmland with some little forests not very big and not very important. But the Mittellandkanal lies at the North of Brauschweig, that means that in the zone of the canal there is a change between the urban area and the rural area. For this reason in the zone of the bridge we start to find farmlands and forest, however the constructions and buildings are still present in this area. The railway line that is going to be built will unite the North-center of Germany with the North-East of Germany because some of the following factors: •Overstress of the only existing line in the moment that connects Berlin with the North-East extreme of Germany. •No direct connection with the North-Easth Germany with other important German cities from South and West of Germany. •Replacement of the old existing one way line in the area that has to be renewed. •Modernization of the old railway lines of Germany. Schedule order by the European Union and the German Government. The actual lines of the zone do not have the necessary conditions and characteristics to satisfy the demand of the travelers that want to travel all over Germany with the railway avoiding using other transports like plan or car. For these reasons the necessity of the replacement of the old railway line and the aim to create a union with the North-East Germany that has a deficit of transport infrastructures and connections with the rest of the country and Europe. Although the new railway line provokes some disadvantages when constructing it is indispensable to build this railway line. The pass of the railway line through Braunschweig has not been random. The zone Braunschweig-Wolfsburg is a very industrialized area because of some companies like Wolkswagen and too because this zone is an important pass of important line from Berlin, South and East Germany. For all of these reasons the railway line goes through Braunschweig and connects to the city of Wolfsburg first, and after the North-East Germany zone.
Resumo:
Toponomastics is increasingly interested in the subjective role of place names in quotidian life. In the frame of Urban Geography, the interest in this matter is currently growing, as the recently change in modes of habitation has urged our discipline to find new ways of exploring the cities. In this context, the study of how name's significance is connected to a urban society constitutes a very interesting approach. We believe in the importance of place names as tools for decoding urban areas and societies at a local-scale. This consideration has been frequently taken into account in the analysis of exonyms, although in their case they are not exempt of political and practical implications that prevail over the tool function. The study of toponomastic processes helps us understanding how the city works, by analyzing the liaison between urban landscape, imaginaries and toponyms which is reflected in the scarcity of some names, in the biased creation of new toponyms and in the pressure exercised over every place name by tourists, residents and local government for changing, maintaining or eliminating them. Our study-case, Toledo, is one of the oldest cities in Spain, full of myths, stories and histories that can only be understood combined with processes of internal evolution of the city linked to the arrival of new residents and the more and more notorious change of its historical landscape. At a local scale, we are willing to decode the information which is contained in its toponyms about its landscape and its society.
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The aim of this paper is to call into question those typologies conventionally used in developing the post-industrial urban fabric (streets, cityblocks, slabs, etc.), often catering to urban designs based on speculative interests and completely overlooking community interests. By defining the concepts of ?postpublic space? and ?reversible urban entities? and illustrating them with an exemplary case of Spanish residential architecture from the 1960s, we establish one possible way of tackling contemporary urban-residential projects. This alternative approach considers the relationship between residential systems and open space systems and promotes the continuity and/or alternation of scales between house and city in an effort to improve the urban quality of life for residents and external users.
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According to UN provisions in the period from 2007 to 2050 world population will grow up to 9200 million people. In fact, for the first time in history, in the year 2008 world urban population became higher than rural population. The increase of urban areas and their transport infrastructures has influenced agricultural land use due to their irreversible change, especially when they remain as periurban vacant land, losing their character and identity. In the Europe of the nineties, the traditional urban-rural gradient, characterized by a neat contact between both land types, has become so complex that it has change to a gradient in which it is difficult to separate urban and rural land uses. [Antrop 2004]. A literature review has been made on methodologies used for the urban-rural gradient analysis. One of these methodologies was selected that integrates ecological characterization based on the use of spatial metrics and geographical characterization based on spatial components. Cartographical sources used were Corine Land Cover at 1: 100000 scale and the Spanish Land Use Information System at 1:25000 scale. Urban-rural gradient paradigm is an analysis methodology, coming from landscape ecology, which enables to investigate how urbanization provokes changes in ecological patterns and processes into landscape. [Hahs and McDonnell 2006].The present research adapt this methodology to study the urban-rural gradient in the outskirts of Madrid, Toledo and Guadalajara. Both scales (1:25000 and 1:100000) were simultaneously used to reach the next objectives: 1) Analysis of landscape pattern dynamics in relation to distance to the town centre and major infrastructures. 2) Analysis of landscape pattern dynamics in the fringe of protected areas. The paper presents a new approach to the urban-rural relationship which allows better planning and management of urban áreas.
Resumo:
Esta tesis examina las implicaciones técnicas, políticas y espaciales del aire urbano, y en concreto, de la calidad del aire, para tenerlo en cuenta desde una perspectiva arquitectónica. En oposición a formas de entender el aire como un vacío o como una metáfora, este proyecto propone abordarlo desde un acercamiento material y tecnológico, trayendo el entorno al primer plano y reconociendo sus múltiples agencias. Debido a la escasa bibliografía detectada en el campo de la arquitectura, el objetivo es construir un marco teórico-analítico para considerar el aire urbano. Para ello el trabajo construye Aeropolis, una metáfora heurística que describe el ensamblaje sociotecnico de la ciudad. Situada en la intersección de determinadas ramas de la filosofía de la cultura, los estudios sobre ciencia y tecnología y estudios feministas de la ciencia este nuevo paisaje conceptual ofrece una metodología y herramientas para abordar el objeto de estudio desde distintos ángulos. Estas herramientas metodológicas han sido desarrolladas en el contexto específico de Madrid, ciudad muy contaminada cuyo aire ha sido objeto de controversias políticas y sociales, y donde las políticas y tecnologías para reducir sus niveles no han sido exitosas. Para encontrar una implicación alternativa con el aire esta tesis propone un método de investigación de agentes invisibles a partir del análisis de sus dispositivos epistémicos. Se centra, en concreto, en los instrumentos que miden, visualizan y comunican la calidad del aire, proponiendo que no sólo lo representan, sino que son también instrumentos que diseñan el aire y la ciudad. La noción de “sensing” (en castellano medir y sentir) es expandida, reconociendo distintas prácticas que reconstruyen el aire de Madrid. El resultado de esta estrategia no es sólo la ampliación de los espacios desde los que relacionarnos con el aire, sino también la legitimación de prácticas existentes fuera de contextos científicos y administrativos, como por ejemplo prácticas relacionadas con el cuerpo, así como la redistribución de agencias entre más actores. Así, esta tesis trata sobre toxicidad, la Unión Europea, producción colaborativa, modelos de computación, dolores de cabeza, kits DIY, gases, cuerpos humanos, salas de control, sangre o políticos, entre otros. Los dispositivos que sirven de datos empíricos sirven como un ejemplo excepcional para investigar infraestructuras digitales, permitiendo desafiar nociones sobre Ciudades Inteligentes. La tesis pone especial atención en los efectos del aire en el espacio público, reconociendo los procesos de invisibilización que han sufrido sus infraestructuras de monitorización. Para terminar se exponen líneas de trabajo y oportunidades para la arquitectura y el diseño urbano a través de nuevas relaciones entre infraestructuras urbanas, el medio construido, espacios domésticos y públicos y humanos y no humanos, para crear nuevas ecologías políticas urbanas (queer). ABSTRACT This thesis examines the technical, political and spatial implications of urban air, and more specifically "air quality", in order to consider it from an architectural perspective. In opposition to understandings of the air either as a void or as a metaphor, this project proposes to inspect it from a material and technical approach, bringing the background to the fore and acknowledging its multiple agencies. Due to the scarce bibliography within the architectural field, its first aim is to construct a theoretical and analytical framework from which to consider urban air. For this purpose, the work attempts the construction of Aeropolis, a heuristic metaphor that describes the city's aero socio-material assemblage. Located at the intersection of certain currents in cultural philosophy, science and technology studies as well as feminist studies in technoscience, this framework enables a methodology and toolset to be extracted in order to approach the subject matter from different angles. The methodological tools stemming from this purpose-built framework were put to the test in a specific case study: Madrid, a highly polluted city whose air has been subject to political and social controversies, and where no effective policies or technologies have been successful in reducing its levels of pollution. In order to engage with the air, the thesis suggests a method for researching invisible agents by examining the epistemic devices involved. It locates and focuses on the instruments that sense, visualise and communicate urban air, claiming that they do not only represent it, but are also instruments that design the air and the city. The notion of "sensing" is then expanded by recognising different practices which enact the air in Madrid. The work claims that the result of this is not only the opening up of spaces for engagement but also the legitimisation of existing practices outside science and policymaking environments, such as embodied practices, as well as the redistribution of agency among more actors. So this is a thesis about toxicity, the European Union, collaborative production, scientific computational models, headaches, DIY kits, gases, human bodies, control rooms, blood, or politicians, among many others. The devices found throughout the work serve as an exceptional substrate for an investigation of digital infrastructures, enabling to challenge Smart City tropes. There is special attention paid to the effects of the air on the public space, acknowledging the silencing processes these infrastructures have been subjected to. Finally there is an outline of the opportunities arising for architecture and urban design when taking the air into account, to create new (queer) urban political ecologies between the air, urban infrastructures, the built environment, public and domestic spaces, and humans and more than humans.
Resumo:
Applications involving travel behavior from the perspective of land use are dating from the 1990s. Usually, four important components are distinguished: density, diversity and design (3D?s of Cervero and Kockelman) and accessibility (introduced by Geurs and van Wee). But there is not a general agreement on how to measure each of those 4 components. Density is used to be measured as population and employment densities, but others authors separate population density between residential and building densities. A lot of measures have been developed to estimate diversity: among others, a dissimilarity index to indicate the degree to which different land uses lie within one another?s surrounding, an entropy index to quantify the degree of balance across various land use types or proximities to commercial-retail uses. Design has been characterized by site design, and dwelling and street characteristics. Lastly, accessibility has become a frequently used concept, but its meaning on travel behavior field always refers to the ability ?to reach activities or locations by means of a travel mode?, measured as accessibility to jobs, to leisure activities, and others. Furthermore, the previous evidence is mainly based on US data or on north European countries. Therefore, this paper adds some new evidence from a Spanish perspective to the research debate. Through a Madrid smartphone-based survey, factor analysis is used to linearly combine variables into the 3D?s and accessibility dimensions of the built environment. At a first step for future investigations, land use variables will be treated to define accurately the previous 4 components.
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This paper explores the urban rehabilitation projects promoted by the Spanish Government between 1992 and 2012 through housing plans. The analysis is based on the comparison of programmes and estimations gathered in these plans with actual housing production within this period in order to find the connection between sectoral housing planning and real estate cycles in these last twenty years. During the period under review, six state housing plans, that were mainly focused on the promotion of newly-constructed state-subsidised housing, were developed, including the Areas of Integrated Rehabilitation programmes (ARI programmes). In spite of the relevance and growing complexity of these programmes, these played a subsidiary role in the government housing policy and were insignificant regarding the whole real estate production in this period.
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The main contribution of this research paper is to display a range of figures and values which could help urban planners to quantify the urban phenomenon of sprawl. In this way, after a rigorous analysis and comparison between a scattered urban fabric (Majadahonda) and a compact urban fabric (Alcorcón), several possible indexes are established and characterized in order to verify the main hypothesis: in what extent land consumption and exploitation of energy resources are higher in a scattered urban fabric than in a compact one.
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In 1933 public letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler, Joseph Goebbels synthesized the official understanding of the link between politics, art and society in the early steps of the Third Reich. By assuming the ethos of art, politics acquired a plastic agency to mold its objects —population and the state— as a unified entity in the form of a ‘national-popular community’ (Volksgemeinschaft); in turn, by infusing art with a political valence, it became part of a wider governmental apparatus that reshaped aesthetic discourses and practices. Similar remarks could be made about the ordering of cities and territories in this period. Dictatorial imaginations mobilized urbanism —including urban theory, urban design and planning— as a fundamental tool for social organization. Under their aegis the production of space became a moment in a wider production of society. Many authors suggest that this political-spatial nexus is intrinsic to modernity itself, beyond dictatorial regimes. In this light, I propose to use dictatorial urbanisms as an analytical opportunity to delve into some concealed features of modern urban design and planning. This chapter explores some of these aspects from a theoretical standpoint, focusing on the development of dictatorial planning mentalities and spatial rationalities and drawing links to other historical episodes in order to inscribe the former in a broader genealogy of urbanism. Needless to say, I don’t suggest that we use dictatorships as mere templates to understand modern productions of space. Instead, these cases provide a crude version of some fundamental drives in the operationalization of urbanism as an instrument of social regulation, showing how far the modern imagination of sociospatial orderings can go. Dictatorial urbanisms constituted a set of experiences where many dreams and aspirations of modern planning went to die. But not, as the conventional account would have it, because the former were the antithesis of the latter, but rather because they worked as the excess of a particular orientation of modern spatial governmentalities — namely, their focus on calculation, social engineering and disciplinary spatialities, and their attempt to subsume a wide range of everyday practices under institutional structuration by means of spatial mediations. In my opinion the interest of dictatorial urbanisms lies in their role as key regulatory episodes in a longer history of our urban present. They stand as a threshold between the advent of planning in the late 19th and early 20th century, and its final consolidation as a crucial state instrument after World War II. We need, therefore, to pay attention to these experiences vis-à-vis the alleged ‘normal’ development of the field in contemporary democratic countries in order to develop a full comprehension thereof.
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Pseudo-total (i.e. aqua regia extractable) and gastric-bioaccessible (i.e. glycine + HCl extractable) concentrations of Ca, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Mn, Ni, Pb and Zn were determined in a total of 48 samples collected from six community urban gardens of different characteristics in the city of Madrid (Spain). Calcium carbonate appears to be the soil property that determines the bioaccessibility of a majority of those elements, and the lack of influence of organic matter, pH and texture can be explained by their low levels in the samples (organic matter) or their narrow range of variation (pH and texture). A conservative risk assessment with bioaccessible concentrations in two scenarios, i.e. adult urban farmers and children playing in urban gardens, revealed acceptable levels of risk, but with large differences between urban gardens depending on their history of land use and their proximity to busy areas in the city center. Only in a worst-case scenario in which children who use urban gardens as recreational areas also eat the produce grown in them would the risk exceed the limits of acceptability
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The main scope of this research is to identify and evaluate solutions to redesign the parcels delivery logistic process to achieve higher level of quality, lower operational costs, energy consumptions and air pollution. The study is starting from the analysis of the delivery process managed by a leader company operating in Rome. Main delivery flows, personnel and fleet management costs, quality performances and environmental impacts are investigated. The results of this analysis are benchmarked with other European situations. On the basis of the feedback of this analysis, a set of operational measures, potentially able tackle the objectives, are identified and assessed by means of a simulative approach. The assessment is based on environmental and economic indicators allowing the comparison between new and reference scenarios from the viewpoints of the key players: operator, customer and Society. Moreover, the operational measures are combined into alternative packages by looking for the sets capable to maximize the benefits for the key players. The methodology, tested on Rome case study, is general and flexible enough to be extended to parcels delivery problem in different urban contexts, as well as to similar urban distribution problems (e.g. press, food, security, school)