930 resultados para Social Influence and Political Communication


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We studied social organization, behavior, and range use of the Yunnan snub-nosed monkey (Rhinopithecus bieti) at Wuyapiya (99 degrees 12'E, 28 degrees 30'N, the People's Republic of China) over 12 months between May 1992 and June 1994. The Wuyapiya band contained greater than or equal to 175 members and had two levels of social organization. At one level, the monkeys formed multifemale, one-male units (OMUs) similar to those of many other colobines. At another level, 15 to 18 OMUs traveled together in a cohesive band. Unlike the bands of other species of Rhinopithecus, the Wuyapiya band of R. bieti did not show seasonal fission-fusion, although some social behavior, such as male-male aggression, was seasonal. With regard to range use, the Wuyapiya band had a large home range and long daily travel distances compared with other colobines. Minimum range size in 1 year at Wuyapiya is 16.25 km(2), although there is no asymptote for range size as a function of observation time. Range size for the Wuyapiya band is 25.25 km(2) over the 2-year study and appeared to cover 100 km(2) between 1985 and 1994. The primary food of R. bieti at Wuyapiya is lichens, which are ubiquitous in fir frees. The multitiered social organization of R. bieti appears to result from the interaction of food resource characters with the forces of mate competition, with band sizes based on female responses to the spatial and temporal characteristics of lichens and subdivisions within bands based on male competition for mates.

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Based on the positive maps separability criterion, we present a method for the detection of quantum entanglement of a shared bipartite quantum state, within the "distant labs" paradigm, using only local operations and classical communication.

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We present a method for checking the Peres separability criterion in an arbitrary bipartite quantum state rho(AB) within local operations and classical communication scenario. The method does not require noise operation which is needed in making the partial transposition map physically implementable. The main task for the two observers, Alice and Bob, is to measure some specific functions of the partial transposed matrix. With these functions, they can determine the eigenvalues of rho(T)(AB)(B), among which the minimum serves as an entanglement witness.

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We present a parametrically efficient method for measuring the entanglement of formation E-f in an arbitrarily given unknown two-qubit state rho(AB) by local operations and classical communication. The two observers, Alice and Bob, first perform some local operations on their composite systems separately, by which the desired global quantum states can be prepared. Then they estimate seven functions via two modified local quantum networks supplemented a classical communication. After obtaining these functions, Alice and Bob can determine the concurrence C and the entanglement of formation E-f.

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We propose a more general method for detecting a set of entanglement measures, i.e., negativities, in an arbitrary tripartite quantum state by local operations and classical communication. To accomplish the detection task using this method, three observers do not need to perform partial transposition maps by the structural physical approximation; instead, they only need to collectively measure some functions via three local networks supplemented by a classical communication. With these functions, they are able to determine the set of negativities related to the tripartite quantum state.

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We present a modified method for detecting the concurrence in an arbitrary two-qubit quantum state rho(AB) with local operations and classical communication. In this method, it is not necessary for the two observers to prepare the quantum state rho(AB) by the structural physical approximation. Their main task is to measure four specific functions via two local quantum networks. With these functions they can determine the concurrence and then the entanglement of formation.

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McInnes, C., 'HIV/AIDS and national security', in: AIDS and Governance, N. Poku, A. Whiteside and B. Sandkjaer (eds.),(Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), pp.93-111 RAE2008

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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

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Społeczeństwo, w którym egzystuje współczesny człowiek, jest nie tyle trudne, ile bardzo złożone. Dlatego też wielu ludzi nie radzi sobie z różnymi problemami natury osobistej i społecznej. Wielu z nich doświadcza wykluczenia społecznego definiowanego jako efekt różnego rodzaju upośledzeń społecznych, wobec czego jednostka lub grupa nie może w pełni uczestniczyć w życiu gospodarczym, społecznym, ekonomicznym i politycznym społeczeństwa, do którego należy. Podmiotem wykluczenia społecznego jest przede wszystkim jednostka, która na drodze realizacji własnego humanitas została wykluczona w sposób przez siebie zawiniony lub doznała wykluczenia z powodu niewłaściwej polityki państwa. Do najważniejszych problemów lokujących się w obrębie wykluczenia autor zalicza: niepełnosprawność, bezrobocie, bezdomność, uzależnienia, samotność i ubóstwo. Scharakteryzowano przywołane powyżej obszary wykluczenia oraz podjęto próbę wskazania sposobów pomocy jednostkom, które stały się ofiarami wykluczenia. Podstawową instytucją pomagającą tym osobom jest pomoc społeczna, której pierwszym i podstawowym celem jest ulepszanie życia społecznego. Ważne miejsce zajmują w niej pracownicy socjalni, którzy jako jednostki wykształcone i kompetentne mogą wpływać na lepsze życie człowieka. Niestety, współcześnie nie zawsze w wystarczający sposób zaspokajane są podstawowe potrzeby zagubionych osób. Najsilniej dotykają one grupy i jednostki najsłabsze. Wskutek owych braków w polityce społecznej oraz w jej przedmiotowych zakresach: w polityce ludnościowej, rodzinnej, edukacyjnej, mieszkaniowej, polityce podziału dochodu, zabezpieczenia społecznego, zatrudnienia, następuje erozja najsłabszych ogniw systemu społecznego. Konieczne zatem wydaje się otwarcie polityki państwa na różne problemy społeczne, nie zawsze zawinione przez jednostkę, ale przez system, w którym się ona znalazła.

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The concept of police accountability is not susceptible to a universal or concise definition. In the context of this thesis it is treated as embracing two fundamental components. First, it entails an arrangement whereby an individual, a minority and the whole community have the opportunity to participate meaningfully in the formulation of the principles and policies governing police operations. Second, it presupposes that those who have suffered as victims of unacceptable police behaviour should have an effective remedy. These ingredients, however, cannot operate in a vacuum. They must find an accommodation with the equally vital requirement that the burden of accountability should not be so demanding that the delivery of an effective police service is fatally impaired. While much of the current debate on police accountability in Britain and the USA revolves around the issue of where the balance should be struck in this accommodation, Ireland lacks the very foundation for such a debate as it suffers from a serious deficit in research and writing on police generally. This thesis aims to fill that gap by laying the foundations for an informed debate on police accountability and related aspects of police in Ireland. Broadly speaking the thesis contains three major interrelated components. The first is concerned with the concept of police in Ireland and the legal, constitutional and political context in which it operates. This reveals that although the Garda Siochana is established as a national force the legal prescriptions concerning its role and governance are very vague. Although a similar legislative format in Britain, and elsewhere, have been interpreted as conferring operational autonomy on the police it has not stopped successive Irish governments from exercising close control over the police. The second component analyses the structure and operation of the traditional police accountability mechanisms in Ireland; namely the law and the democratic process. It concludes that some basic aspects of the peculiar legal, constitutional and political structures of policing seriously undermine their capacity to deliver effective police accountability. In the case of the law, for example, the status of, and the broad discretion vested in, each individual member of the force ensure that the traditional legal actions cannot always provide redress where individuals or collective groups feel victimised. In the case of the democratic process the integration of the police into the excessively centralised system of executive government, coupled with the refusal of the Minister for Justice to accept responsibility for operational matters, project a barrier between the police and their accountability to the public. The third component details proposals on how the current structures of police accountability in Ireland can be strengthened without interfering with the fundamentals of the law, the democratic process or the legal and constitutional status of the police. The key elements in these proposals are the establishment of an independent administrative procedure for handling citizen complaints against the police and the establishment of a network of local police-community liaison councils throughout the country coupled with a centralised parliamentary committee on the police. While these proposals are analysed from the perspective of maximising the degree of police accountability to the public they also take into account the need to ensure that the police capacity to deliver an effective police service is not unduly impaired as a result.

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This dissertation addressed the issue of sustainable development at the level of individual behaviors. Environmental perceptions were obtained from people living around the biosphere reserve Chamela-Cuixmala in Jalisco, Mexico. Several environmental issues were identified by the people, such as garbage and grey water on the streets, burning plastics, and the lack of usage of recreational areas. All these issues could be addressed with a change in behavior by the villagers. Familiarization activities were conducted to gain people's trust in order to conduct a community forum. These activities included giving talks to school children and organizing workshops. Four different methodologies were generated using memetics and participation to test which would ameliorate those environmental issues identified by the people through a change in behavior. The methodologies were 1) Memes; 2) Participation and Memes; 3) Participation; 4) Neither Participation nor Memes. A meme is an idea expressed within a linguistic structure or architecture that provides it with self-disseminating and self-protecting characteristics within and among the minds of individuals congruent with their values, beliefs and filters. Four villages were chosen as the treatments, and one as the control, for a total of five experimental villages. A different behavior was addressed in each treatment village (garbage, grey-water, burning plastics, recreation.) A nonequivalent control-group design was established. A pretest was conducted in all five villages; the methodologies were tested in the four treatment villages; a posttest was conducted on the five villages. The pretest and posttest consisted in measuring sensory specific indicators which are manifestations of behavior that can either be seen, smelled, touched, heard or tasted. Statistically significant differences in behavior from the control were found for two of the methodologies 1) Memes (p=0.0403) and 2) Participation and Memes (p=0.0064). For the methodologies of 3) Participation alone and 4) Neither, the differences were not significant (p=0.8827, p=0.5627 respectively). When using memes, people's behavior improved when compared to the control. Participation alone did not generate a significant difference. Participation aided in the generation of the memes. Memetics is a tool that can be used to establish a linkage between human behavior and ecological health.

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This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty.

To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era.

This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region.

This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.

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Online courses are rapidly replacing traditional, face-to-face lectures in American universities (Allen & Seaman, 2011). As technology improves, this trend will likely continue and accelerate. Researchers must evaluate the impact of online courses compared to their traditional counterparts. This two-part study quantifies the effect of two variables – social presence and learner control – on students’ recall, application and perceived learning levels in different lecture formats. Students in introductory courses at a four-year, public, American university were randomly assigned into three groups to view distinct lecture formats, one in a traditional classroom and two via the Internet. Upon viewing the single lecture, the students were asked to fill out a test and survey to quantify teacher immediacy, recall and application, and perceived learning levels across lecture formats. The study found that different levels of social presence and learner control affected students’ perceived learning levels but did not impact recall or application.