Aftermath of the Maidan. Ukrainian society two years after the revolution. OSW Commentary Number 199/04.03.2016

Two years after the Revolution of Dignity, it is clear that hopes of a quick reconstruction and modernisation of the Ukrainian state as a political and institutional system have not been fulfilled. The resistance of the bureaucrats, politicians and oligarchs who make up the informal, corrupt systems has proven to be very strong, and the will of part of the political elite and the EU and the United States to implement the procedures they have suggested has proved insufficient. If not for the war and the economic collapse, which forced Kyiv to seek external financial assistance and political support, the modernisation of the state would have proceeded even more slowly and with yet greater difficulty.

How to get out of the crisis without reforms? The Belarusian authorities confront growing economic problems. OSW Commentary NUMBER 202/21.03.2016

2015 saw a drop in Belarus’s GDP for the first time in almost 20 years, which is primarily the result of a significant reduction in levels of production and export. As a consequence, there was also a serious depletion of the country’s foreign exchange reserves, as well as a progressive weakening of the Belarusian rouble. The macroeconomic figures from January and February 2016 show that these trends are not only continuing, but they are also becoming even more severe, which confirms that Belarus now finds itself in a prolonged economic crisis. On one hand, the reason for this state of affairs is the protracted economic recession in Russia, which is Belarus’s main economic partner, together with the drastic global decline in prices for fuel, which is a key Belarusian export. On the other hand, meanwhile, an equally important reason for the current crisis is the failure of the Belarusian economic model. President Aleksandr Lukashenko, out of fear that his authoritarian system of government will be dismantled and that public discontent will rise, has categorically rejected the proposals for even partial reforms put forward by some of his entourage, who are aware of the need for the immediate transformation of the country’s anachronistic and very costly economic model, based as it still is on quasi-Soviet management policies.

Pro-American non-alignment. Sweden and Finland develop closer military co-operation with the United States. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 205/31.03.2016

Russia’s increasingly aggressive policy and its enhanced military activity in the Nordic-Baltic region has led to revaluations in Sweden’s and Finland’s security and defence policies and a rethinking of the formats of their military co-operation. While remaining outside NATO, the two states have been developing closer bilateral defence co-operation and working more closely with the United States, while at the same time developing co-operation with NATO. Sweden and Finland perceive the United States as the guarantor of regional and European security. From their point of view, the United States is currently the country that has both the necessary military capabilities and the political will to react in the event of a conflict between Russia and NATO in the Nordic-Baltic region, in which both countries would inevitably become involved despite their non-aligned status. For Sweden and Finland, intensified co-operation with the United States offers an alternative to NATO membership, which is currently out of the question for domestic political reasons. Meanwhile, the US has also become increasingly aware of the strategic importance of the two states, which, for the purposes of contingency planning, are in fact an extension of NATO’s north-eastern flank.

The shadow of Chornobyl. Ukraine thirty years after the disaster. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 210/22.04.2016

Thirty years after the Chornobyl nuclear power plant disaster, its aftermath and consequences are still a permanent element of the economic, environmental and social situation of Ukraine, Belarus and some regions of Russia. Ukraine, to which the scope of this text is limited, experienced the most severe shock because, among other factors, the plant where the accident took place was located just 100 km away from Kyiv. Its consequences have affected the course of political developments in the country, and have become part of the newly-shaped national identity of independent Ukraine. The country bore the huge cost of the clean-up effort but did not give up on nuclear energy, and today nuclear power plants generate more than half of its electricity. The system of social benefits for people recognised as disaster survivors, which was put in place by the Soviet government, has become a huge burden on the country’s budget; if implemented fully, it would account for more than 10% of total public spending, and is therefore being implemented to only a partial extent. This system has reinforced the Ukrainian people’s sense of helplessness and dependence on the state. The disaster has also become part of the ‘victim nation’ blueprint of the Ukrainian national myth, which it has further solidified. The technological and environmental consequences of the disaster, and hence also its economic costs, will persist for centuries, while the social consequences will dissipate as the affected generation passes away. In any case, Chornobyl will remain an important part of the life of the Ukrainian state and society.

One year of Ukraine’s De-communisation. A change in the historical narrative. OSW COMMENTARY NUMBER 211/16.05.2016

A year ago, the Parliament of Ukraine adopted four bills on the policy of national memory: on granting access to the archives of the repressive organs of the Communist totalitarian regime in the years 1917–1991, on the legal status and commemoration of Ukrainian independence fighters in the twentieth century, on the immortalisation of the victory over Nazism in the Second World War, 1939–1945, and on the condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes and the forbidding of their symbolism from being promoted. The laws came into force on 21 May 2015. After a year, it can be stated that only the latter two are being observed – the official narrative regarding World War II has been changed, mainly due to the activity of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (UINR), but also as a result of public statements by President Petro Poroshenko. The process of removing from public places the names and commemorations referring to the Soviet era is underway, and the fears that this may trigger serious conflicts have not proved true. From roughly a thousand placenames subject to de-communisation some two thirds have been changed so far (parliamentary bills regarding the remaining ones are awaiting approval) and most statues of Communist leaders have been removed. However, the law concerning independence fighters, which raised the most serious controversies, did not have any practical consequences. Moreover, nothing suggests that this could change. The implementation of the de-communisation laws is associated with a significant change in Ukrainian patriotic narrative: it is no longer focused on national martyrdom and it is beginning to emphasize heroic motives, which is in line with wartime needs. The fact that some of these motives are likely to trigger problems in Ukraine’s relations with Poland seems to be viewed as a marginal ‘by-product’.

Representações sobre a doença mental por parte dos cuidadores formais, em instituições de apoio e acolhimento a pessoas idosas: a realidade transfronteiriça entre Portugal e Espanha

Segundo (Lage; 2005) o cuidador informal sempre existiu ao longo da história da humanidade, ao séc. XX a família tinha um papel muito importante, após o sec. XX a família e o cuidar informal foi substituído pela medicina e pelo cuidador formal. O aumento do envelhecimento populacional, o aumento da esperança média de vida e a desertificação trouxeram um conjunto de preocupações e responsabilidades, às famílias e às entidades sociais e da saúde, devido aos cuidados que são necessários prestar às pessoas idosas dependentes e com doença mental, devido à crise dos sistemas sociais, de saúde e financeiro das entidades governamentais, a maioria dos casos de doença mental e idosos foram como que obrigados a recorrer aos cuidos informais para fazer face as despesas. Com o presente estudo, de caráter qualitativo, procuramos conhecer os estigmas que existem face a doença mental em dois países transfronteiriços, Portugal e Espanha. A amostra da população selecionada é constituída por quarenta cuidadores formais em instituição de acolhimento e apoio a pessoas idosas, em que quarto instituições distintas, duas em Portugal e duas em Espanha. Os cuidadores inquiridos referiram que há pouca procura por parte dos doentes mentais a estas instituições, uma vez que requerem mais cuidados presenciais e equipas direcionadas aos problemas específicos, embora todos tenham uma formação abrangente, mas é mais difícil cuidar deste tipo de clientes.

Taboo Language and Illness Online: The Use of Specific Emoticons and Graphic Signs to Talk about HIV/AIDS in South Africa

South Africa is one of the countries most affected by HIV/AIDS: According to 2014 UNAIDS data 6.8 million South Africans live with HIV/AIDS, which means a 18.9% prevalence rate among adults (15-49 years old). Despite this strong presence of HIV/AIDS in South African society it remains relatively stigmatized and is not openly talked about. The silence about HIV/AIDS maintained in everyday conversations and the superstitions associated with this illness have led to the creation of a taboo language. This study aims at shedding light on how South African users resort to specific emoticons and graphic signs to talk about HIV/AIDS online. For this purpose 368 Facebook status updates and comments concerning HIV/AIDS and its side effects were analysed. All participants, aged 14-48, lived at the moment of data collection in Cape Town, in the Cape Flats area. The online conversations investigated are mainly in English mixed with Afrikaans and/or Xhosa. The emoticons and graphic signs in most cases display a graphic depiction of the physical (and mental) effects of the illness. These linguistic and semiotic practices employed on Facebook provide insight into how Capetonian users, on the one hand, express solidarity and sympathy with people suffering from HIV/AIDS. On the other hand, the emoticons and graphic signs are used to label and position people affected by HIV/AIDS. Thus, in the South African context social network sites have become an important space and means for communicating HIV/AIDS issues.

Salir de casa para volver a casa : lectura de la genética autoficcional de Alejandro Zambra (2006-2011)

Ce travail est une analyse exhaustive des romans publiés par l’écrivain chilien Alejandro Zambra entre 2006 et 2011. Compte tenu de son appartenance à la génération postdictatoriale, on va se concentrer sur la reconstruction autofictionnelle de l’enfance, et sur la façon dont elle reproduit, questionne et renverse le récit dictatorial dominant qui relègue les enfants sur le plan des personnages secondaires. Pour identifier le développement du discours, on va s’appuyer sur des outils critiques de la génétique littéraire dont le concept central « d’avant-texte » nous permet de faire une lecture rétrospective de Bonsái et de La vida privada de los árboles comme des précurseurs idéologiques de Formas de volver a casa. En raison de la centralité jouée par l’espace dans ces romans, on va consacrer une grande partie du travail à la représentation spatiale et la manière dont l’espace configure la position des personnages à l’intérieur du schème narratif. C’est dans cette relation que l’on identifie la dichotomie spatiale élaborée dans les œuvres, car l’espace et la vie privée sont reliés à l’inertie et la résignation dans l’univers textuel, tandis que l’action et le questionnement appartiennent au domaine de l’espace et la vie publics. Lus l’un après l’autre, les romans témoignent du parcours suivi de l’écrivain, qui assimile le récit dictatorial en évitant la confrontation narrative au début, pour, par la suite, approcher le passé, l’histoire familiale et la dictature, dans un processus autofictionnel qui projette les différentes voies du retour chez soi.

Analyse des événements festifs et religieux dans le Petit Maghreb sous l'approche de la médiation

Travail dirigé présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade Maîtrise (M.Sc.) en criminologie option sécurité intérieure

100 mów pogrzebowych wypowiedzianych przy zwłokach osób różnego wieku i stanu /

Mode of access: Internet.

Stronnictwo Demokratyczno-Narodowe w świetle nauki katolickiej /

Includes bibliographical references.

Studya i szkice z dziejów literatury polskiej;

Mode of access: Internet.

Obrona sztandaru, mieszczańska powieść historyczna.

At head of title: Ludwik Stasiak.

La campanella : rondo, from the 2nd concerto, op. 7 /

Mode of access: Internet.