Features of IP rights enforcement in Korea and China

This report examines recent updates to the regulation and enforcement of intellectual property (IP) rights in Korea and China, in particular patent rights including invention, utility, and design rights. This paper also discusses some features and issues of the actual IP enforcement situation in those countries in comparison with Japan.

Measuring the costs of FTA utilization : evidence from transaction-level import data of Thailand

In this study, we measure the utilization costs of free trade agreement (FTA) tariff schemes. To do that, we use shipment-level customs data on Thai imports, which identify not only firms, source country, and commodity but also tariff schemes. We propose several measures as a proxy for FTA utilization costs. The example includes the minimum amount of firm-level savings on tariff payments, i.e., trade values under FTA schemes multiplied by the tariff margin, in all transactions. Consequently, the median costs for FTA utilization in 2008, for example, are estimated to be approximately US$2,000 for exports from China, US$300 for exports from Australia, and US$1,000 for exports from Japan. We also found that FTA utilization costs differ by rule of origin and industry.

Health and safety in the construction : subject pending to be included in the curriculum of architecture in Spain

The art of construction is a risky activity that directly affects the life and physical integrity of persons. Since the approval of Law 31/1995, of November 8, Prevention of Occupational Risks was the first legislation that established the current basis in all sectors and then transposed into Spanish law Directive 92/57/CEE called Royal Decree 1627/1997 of October 24, on minimum safety and health dispositions in construction works, measures have been proposed to develop a mixed body of scientific literature composed of researchers and professionals in the field of occupational safety and health, but even today there is still no clear and firm proposal, showing a lack of awareness in the occupational risk prevention and, therefore, a consolidation of the culture of prevention in society. Therefore, the technicians, who make up the building process, can incur in very high responsibilities, such as: Author of the project, Coordinator of Safety and Health during the preparation of the project and during the execution of works, Site Management: Site Manager. This involves the immediate creation of a general training in prevention for all architects starting when still studying, as well as specific training, appropriate and complementary to all the architects that will be devoted to the specialty of occupational safety and health in construction works. That is, first, we must make the responsible bodies aware of the urgent need to integrate risk prevention in the curricula of architecture and later in the continuing education of the profession. It is necessary that our teaching must conform to the laws on safety and health, due to the fact that the law recognizes our academic degrees and professional qualifications to perform functions in that area

Time-multiscale methods for the simulation of slow transport problems in atomistic systems

En esta tesis presentamos una teoría adaptada a la simulación de fenómenos lentos de transporte en sistemas atomísticos. En primer lugar, desarrollamos el marco teórico para modelizar colectividades estadísticas de equilibrio. A continuación, lo adaptamos para construir modelos de colectividades estadísticas fuera de equilibrio. Esta teoría reposa sobre los principios de la mecánica estadística, en particular el principio de máxima entropía de Jaynes, utilizado tanto para sistemas en equilibrio como fuera de equilibrio, y la teoría de las aproximaciones del campo medio. Expresamos matemáticamente el problema como un principio variacional en el que maximizamos una entropía libre, en lugar de una energía libre. La formulación propuesta permite definir equivalentes atomísticos de variables macroscópicas como la temperatura y la fracción molar. De esta forma podemos considerar campos macroscópicos no uniformes. Completamos el marco teórico con reglas de cuadratura de Monte Carlo, gracias a las cuales obtenemos modelos computables. A continuación, desarrollamos el conjunto completo de ecuaciones que gobiernan procesos de transporte. Deducimos la desigualdad de disipación entrópica a partir de fuerzas y flujos termodinámicos discretos. Esta desigualdad nos permite identificar la estructura que deben cumplir los potenciales cinéticos discretos. Dichos potenciales acoplan las tasas de variación en el tiempo de las variables microscópicas con las fuerzas correspondientes. Estos potenciales cinéticos deben ser completados con una relación fenomenológica, del tipo definido por la teoría de Onsanger. Por último, aportamos validaciones numéricas. Con ellas ilustramos la capacidad de la teoría presentada para simular propiedades de equilibrio y segregación superficial en aleaciones metálicas. Primero, simulamos propiedades termodinámicas de equilibrio en el sistema atomístico. A continuación evaluamos la habilidad del modelo para reproducir procesos de transporte en sistemas complejos que duran tiempos largos con respecto a los tiempos característicos a escala atómica. ABSTRACT In this work, we formulate a theory to address simulations of slow time transport effects in atomic systems. We first develop this theoretical framework in the context of equilibrium of atomic ensembles, based on statistical mechanics. We then adapt it to model ensembles away from equilibrium. The theory stands on Jaynes' maximum entropy principle, valid for the treatment of both, systems in equilibrium and away from equilibrium and on meanfield approximation theory. It is expressed in the entropy formulation as a variational principle. We interpret atomistic equivalents of macroscopic variables such as the temperature and the molar fractions, wich are not required to be uniform, but can vary from particle to particle. We complement this theory with Monte Carlo summation rules for further approximation. In addition, we provide a framework for studying transport processes with the full set of equations driving the evolution of the system. We first derive a dissipation inequality for the entropic production involving discrete thermodynamic forces and fluxes. This discrete dissipation inequality identifies the adequate structure for discrete kinetic potentials which couple the microscopic field rates to the corresponding driving forces. Those kinetic potentials must finally be expressed as a phenomenological rule of the Onsanger Type. We present several validation cases, illustrating equilibrium properties and surface segregation of metallic alloys. We first assess the ability of a simple meanfield model to reproduce thermodynamic equilibrium properties in systems with atomic resolution. Then, we evaluate the ability of the model to reproduce a long-term transport process in complex systems.

Origen y evolución histórico-legal del club deportivo en la Comunidad de Madrid (1833-1936)

Cuando se inició el trabajo para obtener el título de doctora, el proyecto era acerca de la financiación público privada de los clubes deportivos madrileños. El punto uno de ese primer índice, versaba sobre el origen del club deportivo en la Comunidad de Madrid (en este sentido, es preciso tener en cuenta que el territorio sufrió modificaciones, lo que antes eran pueblos hoy son distritos y lo que antes era provincia hoy es Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid, nuestro ámbito territorial de estudio). Al leer la doctrina autorizada que coincidía en su totalidad en que los primeros clubes deportivos fueron de origen inglés (el Recreativo de Huelva en el año1889 era considerado el primer club de España) y recordar dudas e inquietudes al respecto que surgieron durante la licenciatura, la investigación se tornó incómoda, por no decir temeraria. ¿Por qué había que limitarse a recoger las ideas de una doctrina, sin duda hoy y entonces prestigiosa, cuando se pensaba que aquella teoría del origen británico no podía ser, aunque fuera dentro de un marco teórico? No parecía tener sentido que no hubiera habido asociacionismo en España antes de la llegada de las compañías inglesas, pero sobre todo en Madrid, siempre bulliciosa en cuanto a participación ciudadana, por varios motivos: existían juegos y deportes populares autóctonos antes de que llegara el fútbol. ¿No se asociaban los madrileños para poder competir con otros?, ¿Se equivocó Goya al pintar estampas de juegos populares?, ¿Por qué existía entonces una Ley de Asociaciones de 1887, evidentemente anterior al Recreativo de Huelva (1889)? Las leyes se elaboran en respuesta a una necesidad social o a una costumbre anterior, o a las dos cosas. ¿Nadie pensó en la costumbre, siendo fuente del Derecho junto con la Ley y los principios generales?, ¿Nadie, estando tan cerca?, ¿Nadie, figurando en el artículo 1 del Código Civil? De esta forma, la justificación y objetivos cambiaron, la investigación se volvió otra, se tenía necesidad de probar la lógica o nada. Sólo hacían falta las pruebas documentales que aportaran luz y fueran tangibles para la argumentación jurídica. Así, entre las reglas del juego de la norma jurídica, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina, se desenvuelve el marco teórico de este trabajo. Es necesario para ello conocer cómo funciona la legislación que afecta a los clubes deportivos en la actualidad para entender las similitudes con los clubes pioneros. Es preciso comprender que una Ley nunca se encuentra aislada de otras, que todas están relacionadas, que los cruces son inevitablemente ilimitados y los resultados inmensos. Se ha realizado un análisis de una realidad compleja que trasciende de lo jurídico y lo deportivo. Respecto al material y método, no se encontraban referencias de estudios comparados, desde el punto de vista jurídico, de los Estatutos de los primeros clubes deportivos madrileños, ni nombrarlos hasta que a principios del año 2013 digitalizamos en la Biblioteca Nacional el Reglamento del Instituto de Gimnástica, Equitación y Esgrima (Villalobos, 1842); la prueba documental que se buscaba para apoyar la teoría ya era tangible. Luego se encontrarían otros para añadir a la muestra y también documentación probatoria complementaria. Tampoco había trabajos sobre la documentación emanada de la Administración Pública, por lo que se han estudiado Expedientes administrativos así como su comparativa con la legislación coetánea y la actual, lo que ha permitido concretar más la forma y tipología de las primeras formas jurídicas deportivas. Para la búsqueda de documentación se ha recurrido a bibliotecas, archivos e incluso depósitos que tenían legajos sin clasificar, habían sufrido las inundaciones y carcoma que azotaron a los sótanos de Madrid e incluso a alguno el fuego le miró de reojo. La documentación encontrada ha permitido convivir con los personajes que habitaron los clubes pioneros en los primeros domicilios sociales; historias reales con banda sonora propia. Y es que el nacimiento del asociacionismo deportivo madrileño no se podría haber gestado en mejor momento; durante el Romanticismo, ni en mejor lugar, en las encrucijadas de las callejuelas estrechas cercanas a las grandes arterias de la Capital; un paseo por las calles Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza y Montera. Los resultados de la investigación confirman la teoría de que el primer club deportivo madrileño nada tuvo que ver con los clubes que posteriormente vinieron en los equipajes de las compañías inglesas. Ni en tiempo, son anteriores; ni en lugar, Madrid; ni en forma, la comparativa con un club británico de la época denota diferencias o mejor, deficiencias, pero más que nada en el fondo. Los clubes madrileños tenían una naturaleza que reflejaba el sentir de los primeros socios y el espíritu de la Capital: beneficencia, espectáculo, participación ciudadana y trabajo en equipo. También se demuestra, tanto en los resultados como en la discusión, las particularidades de los primeros clubes madrileños en cuanto a su relación con la imprenta, la docencia, la prensa, las instalaciones deportivas siempre compartidas con la cultura como la terminología y las equipaciones, pero sobre todo la especial relación con el inherente derecho de reunión. Difícil pensar en un principio que la prueba de la costumbre se encontrara en la cartelería teatral, y que un programa de una competición deportiva escondiera unos Estatutos durante siglos. ABSTRACT When work for a doctorate degree began, the project was about public-private financing of sports clubs Madrid. At point one of the first index, concerned the origin of the sports club in Madrid ( Keep in mind that the territory was modified, which were towns before today are districts and what was once the province is now Community Autonomous of Madrid, our territorial area of study). When reading the authoritative doctrine which coincided entirely in the first sports clubs were of English origin (Huelva Recreation Club, 1889) and remember about questions and concerns raised during the undergraduate research became awkward, if not reckless. Why it had to be limited to collecting the ideas of a doctrine certainly prestigious now and then, when it was thought that this theory could not be British origin, albeit within a framework? It did not seem to make sense that there had been associations in Spain before the arrival of British companies, but especially in Madrid, always busy in terms of citizen participation, for several reasons; and indigenous games were popular sports before the football do the locals are not associated to compete with other?, Goya was wrong to paint pictures of popular games?, Why then was no Associations Act, 1887, clearly previous Huelva Recreation Club (1889)? The laws are developed in response to a social need or a past practice, or both. No one thought of being a source of law practice with the law and the general principles? No, being so close? No one appearing in Article 1 of the Civil? Thus the rationale and objectives of the research turned back, it was necessary to try logic or anything. Only documentary evidence was needed that provide light and were tangible to the legal arguments. Thus, among the rules of the legal rule, jurisprudence and doctrine, the theoretical framework of this work develops, we need to know how legislation affects sports clubs at present to understand the similarities with clubs works pioneers, we must understand that a law is never isolated from others, they are all related, intersections are inevitably unlimited and the immense results. It has made an analysis of a complex reality that transcends the legal and sports. Regarding the material and method, no references to studies were compared, from the legal point of view, of the Statute of the first Madrid sports clubs, or name them until early 2013 digitized at the National Library of the Institute of Regulation Gymnastics, Riding and Fencing (Villalobos, 1842); the documentary evidence that was sought to support the theory was already tangible. Then they find others to add to the sample and further supporting documentation. There was also no work on the documentation issued by the Public Administration, which have been studied administrative records and their comparison with the contemporary legislation and the current, allowing more concrete form and type of the first sports legal forms. Search for documentation we have turned to libraries, archives and even deposits that were not rated bundles, had suffered flooding and decay in the basement of Madrid and even fire some looked askance. The found documents have enabled us to live with the characters that inhabited the early clubs in the first addresses; real stories with its own soundtrack. And the birth of the Madrid sports associations could not have been gestated at a better time ; during the Romantic period , or in a better place ; at the crossroads of the nearby narrow streets of the great arteries of the Capital; a walk along the Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza and Montera. The research results confirm the theory that the first Madrid sports club had nothing to do with the clubs that later came in the luggage of British companies, nor in time; They predate, or rather; Madrid, or in the form; the comparison with a British club denotes the time differences or rather shortcomings, but more than anything in the background; the Madrid club had a nature that reflect the sentiments of the first members and the spirit of the Capital; charity, show, citizen participation and teamwork. It is also shown in the results and discussion the particularities of the first locals clubs in their relationship with the press, teaching, media, sports facilities always shared with the culture and terminology and the kits, but all the special relationship with the inherent right of assembly; hard to think at first that the test of habit were in the theater posters, and a program of a sports competition hide Statutes for centuries.

50 Years Ago We Marched: What began on the grounds of Lincoln University, ended on the steps of the Alabama State Capitol

LINCOLN UNIVERSITY - On March 25, 1965, a bus loaded with Lincoln University students and staff arrived in Montgomery, Ala. to join the Selma march for racial and voting equality. Although the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was in force, African-Americans continued to feel the effects of segregation. The 1960s was a decade of social unrest and change. In the Deep South, specifically Alabama, racial segregation was a cultural norm resistant to change. Governor George Wallace never concealed his personal viewpoints and political stance of the white majority, declaring “Segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever.” The march was aimed at obtaining African-Americans their constitutionally protected right to vote. However, Alabama’s deep-rooted culture of racial bias began to be challenged by a shift in American attitudes towards equality. Both black and whites wanted to end discrimination by using passive resistance, a movement utilized by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. That passive resistance was often met with violence, sometimes at the hands of law enforcement and local citizens. The Selma to Montgomery march was a result of a protest for voting equality. The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Southern Christian Leadership Counsel (SCLC) among other students marched along the streets to bring awareness to the voter registration campaign, which was organized to end discrimination in voting based on race. Violent acts of police officers and others were some of the everyday challenges protesters were facing. Forty-one participants from Lincoln University arrived in Montgomery to take part in the 1965 march for equality. Students from Lincoln University’s Journalism 383 class spent part of their 2015 spring semester researching the historical event. Here are their stories: Peter Kellogg “We’ve been watching the television, reading about it in the newspapers,” said Peter Kellogg during a February 2015 telephone interview. “Everyone knew the civil rights movement was going on, and it was important that we give him (Robert Newton) some assistance … and Newton said we needed to get involve and do something,” Kellogg, a lecturer in the 1960s at Lincoln University, discussed how the bus trip originated. “That’s why the bus happened,” Kellogg said. “Because of what he (Newton) did - that’s why Lincoln students went and participated.” “People were excited and the people along the sidewalk were supportive,” Kellogg said. However, the mood flipped from excited to scared and feeling intimidated. “It seems though every office building there was a guy in a blue uniform with binoculars standing in the crowd with troops and police. And if looks could kill me, we could have all been dead.” He says the hatred and intimidation was intense. Kellogg, being white, was an immediate target among many white people. He didn’t realize how dangerous the event in Alabama was until he and the others in the bus heard about the death of Viola Liuzzo. The married mother of five from Detroit was shot and killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan while shuttling activists to the Montgomery airport. “We found out about her death on the ride back,” Kellogg recalled. “Because it was a loss of life, and it shows the violence … we could have been exposed to that danger!” After returning to LU, Kellogg’s outlook on life took a dramatic turn. Kellogg noted King’s belief that a person should be willing to die for important causes. “The idea is that life is about something larger and more important than your own immediate gratification, and career success or personal achievements,” Kellogg said. “The civil rights movement … it made me, it made my life more significant because it was about something important.” The civil rights movement influenced Kellogg to change his career path and to become a black history lecturer. Until this day, he has no regrets and believes that his choices made him as a better individual. The bus ride to Alabama, he says, began with the actions of just one student. Robert Newton Robert Newton was the initiator, recruiter and leader of the Lincoln University movement to join Dr. Martin Luther King’s march in Selma. “In the 60s much of the civil rights activists came out of college,” said Newton during a recent phone interview. Many of the events that involved segregation compelled college students to fight for equality. “We had selected boycotts of merchants, when blacks were not allowed to try on clothes,” Newton said. “You could buy clothes at department stores, but no blacks could work at the department stores as sales people. If you bought clothes there you couldn’t try them on, you had to buy them first and take them home and try them on.” Newton said the students risked their lives to be a part of history and influence change. He not only recognized the historic event of his fellow Lincolnites, but also recognized other college students and historical black colleges and universities who played a vital role in history. “You had the S.N.C.C organization, in terms of voting rights and other things, including a lot of participation and working off the bureau,” Newton said. Other schools and places such as UNT, Greenville and Howard University and other historically black schools had groups that came out as leaders. Newton believes that much has changed from 50 years ago. “I think we’ve certainly come a long way from what I’ve seen from the standpoint of growing up outside of Birmingham, Alabama,” Newton said. He believes that college campuses today are more organized in their approach to social causes. “The campus appears to be some more integrated amongst students in terms of organizations and friendships.” Barbara Flint Dr. Barbara Flint grew up in the southern part of Arkansas and came to Lincoln University in 1961. She describes her experience at Lincoln as “being at Lincoln when the world was changing.“ She was an active member of Lincoln’s History Club, which focused on current events and issues and influenced her decision to join the Selma march. “The first idea was to raise some money and then we started talking about ‘why can’t we go?’ I very much wanted to be a living witness in history.” Reflecting on the march and journey to Montgomery, Flint describes it as being filled with tension. “We were very conscious of the fact that once we got on the road past Tennessee we didn’t know what was going to happen,” said Flint during a February 2015 phone interview. “Many of the students had not been beyond Missouri, so they didn’t have that sense of what happens in the South. Having lived there you knew the balance as well as what is likely to happen and what is not likely to happen. As my father use to say, ‘you have to know how to stay on that line of balance.’” Upon arriving in Alabama she remembers the feeling of excitement and relief from everyone on the bus. “We were tired and very happy to be there and we were trying to figure out where we were going to join and get into the march,” Flint said. “There were so many people coming in and then we were also trying to stay together; that was one of the things that really stuck out for me, not just for us but the people who were coming in. You didn’t want to lose sight of the people you came with.” Flint says she was keenly aware of her surroundings. For her, it was more than just marching forward. “I can still hear those helicopters now,” Flint recalled. “Every time the helicopters would come over the sound would make people jump and look up - I think that demonstrated the extent of the tenseness that was there at the time because the helicopters kept coming over every few minutes.” She said that the marchers sang “we are not afraid,” but that fear remained with every step. “Just having been there and being a witness and marching you realize that I’m one of those drops that’s going to make up this flood and with this flood things will move,” said Flint. As a student at Lincoln in 1965, Flint says the Selma experience undoubtedly changed her life. “You can’t expect to do exactly what you came to Lincoln to do,” Flint says. “That march - along with all the other marchers and the action that was taking place - directly changed the paths that I and many other people at Lincoln would take.” She says current students and new generations need to reflect on their personal role in society. “Decide what needs to be done and ask yourself ‘how can I best contribute to it?’” Flint said. She notes technology and social media can be used to reach audiences in ways unavailable to her generation in 1965. “So you don’t always have to wait for someone else to step out there and say ‘let’s march,’ you can express your vision and your views and you have the means to do so (so) others can follow you. Jaci Newsom Jaci Newsom came to Lincoln in 1965 from Atlanta. She came to Lincoln to major in sociology and being in Jefferson City was largely different from what she had grown up with. “To be able to come into a restaurant, sit down and be served a nice meal was eye-opening to me,” said Newsom during a recent interview. She eventually became accustomed to the relaxed attitude of Missouri and was shocked by the situation she encountered on an out-of-town trip. “I took a bus trip from Atlanta to Pensacola and I encountered the worse racism that I have ever seen. I was at bus stop, I went in to be served and they would not serve me. There was a policeman sitting there at the table and he told me that privately owned places could select not to serve you.” Newsom describes her experience of marching in Montgomery as being one with a purpose. “We felt as though we achieved something - we felt a sense of unity,” Newsom said. “We were very excited (because) we were going to hear from Martin Luther King. To actually be in the presence of him and the other civil rights workers there was just such enthusiasm and excitement yet there was also some apprehension of what we might encounter.” Many of the marchers showed their inspiration and determination while pressing forward towards the grounds of the Alabama Capitol building. Newsom recalled that the marchers were singing the lyrics “ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around” and “we shall overcome.” “ I started seeing people just like me,” Newsom said. “I don’t recall any of the scowling, the hitting, the things I would see on TV later. I just saw a sea of humanity marching towards the Capitol. I don’t remember what Martin Luther King said but it was always the same message: keep the faith; we’re going to get where we’re going and let us remember what our purpose is.” Newsom offers advice on what individuals can do to make their society a more productive and peaceful place. “We have come a long way and we have ways to change things that we did not have before,” Newsom said. “You need to work in positive ways to change.” Referencing the recent unrest in Ferguson, Mo., she believes that people become destructive as a way to show and vent anger. Her generation, she says, was raised to react in lawful ways – and believe in hope. “We have faith to do things in a way that was lawful and it makes me sad what people do when they feel without hope, and there is hope,” Newsom says. “Non-violence does work - we need to include everyone to make this world a better place.” Newsom graduated from Lincoln in 1969 and describes her experience at Lincoln as, “I grew up and did more growing at Lincoln than I think I did for the rest of my life.”

2.7 Lincoln University Senior Class of 1935

After graduation, Lloyd Gaines filed papers with placement office at Lincoln but he could not find an immediate position. Although he minored in education, Gaines was not primarily searching for a teaching position. However, he had a backup plan. Lloyd's background in history led him to an interest in the law and unbeknownst to anyone, save his mentor, Lorenzo Greene, he was preparing to what no American-American had done before. Lloyd Gaines was going to enroll in the University Missouri School of Law.

3.5 S. Woodson Canada, University of Missouri Registra

Although Canada did not have the ultimate authority to reject Gaines’ application, the chances for Lloyd were bleak; it appeared that the School of Law at MU would not accept him.

3.1 Lincoln University Law School

Despite his sudden disappearance, Lloyd Gaines’ impact had a resounding effect in many ways. The successful bridging of the gap from segregation to integration in the United States educational system was initiated because Gaines sought to be treated equally and fairly by the established powers. Much of the credit goes to the NAACP legal team, especially Charles Hamilton Houston’s dedication and expertise. However, without the initial action of Lloyd Gaines applying to the University of Missouri, there would have been no case. Additionally, the Lincoln University School of Law was founded due to the results of the Gaines case. Although it was only in operation for 16 years, it provided opportunities for those who had been denied previously.

Modelo numérico mecanobiológico para a obtenção da matriz de rigidez estrutural e da densidade mineral na remodelagem óssea

Neste trabalho é proposto um modelo mecanobiológico de remodelagem óssea para a estimativa de variações, provocadas por perturbações mecânicas ou biológicas, na matriz de rigidez estrutural da escala macroscópica e na densidade mineral em uma região do osso. Na cooperação entre as áreas da saúde e da engenharia, como nos estudos estruturais de biomecânica no sistema esquelético, as propriedades mecânicas dos materiais devem ser conhecidas, entretanto os ossos possuem uma constituição material altamente complexa, dinâmica e variante entre indivíduos. Sua dinâmica decorre dos ciclos de absorção e deposição de matriz óssea na remodelagem óssea, a qual ocorre para manter a integridade estrutural do esqueleto e adaptá-lo aos estímulos do ambiente, sejam eles biológicos, químicos ou mecânicos. Como a remodelagem óssea pode provocar alterações no material do osso, espera-se que suas propriedades mecânicas também sejam alteradas. Na literatura científica há modelos matemáticos que preveem a variação da matriz de rigidez estrutural a partir do estímulo mecânico, porém somente os modelos mais recentes incluíram explicitamente processos biológicos e químicos da remodelagem óssea. A densidade mineral óssea é um importante parâmetro utilizado no diagnóstico de doenças ósseas na área médica. Desse modo, para a obtenção da variação da rigidez estrutural e da densidade mineral óssea, propõe-se um modelo numérico mecanobiológico composto por cinco submodelos: da dinâmica da população de células ósseas, da resposta das células ao estímulo mecânico, da porosidade óssea, da densidade mineral óssea e, baseado na Lei de Voigt para materiais compósitos, da rigidez estrutural. Os valores das constantes das equações dos submodelos foram obtidos de literatura. Para a solução das equações do modelo, propõe-se uma implementação numérica e computacional escrita em linguagem C. O método de Runge-Kutta-Dorman-Prince, cuja vantagem consiste no uso de um passo de solução variável, é utilizado no modelo para controlar o erro numérico do resultado do sistema de equações diferenciais. Foi realizada uma avaliação comparativa entre os resultados obtidos com o modelo proposto e os da literatura dos modelos de remodelagem óssea recentes. Conclui-se que o modelo e a implementação propostos são capazes de obter variações da matriz de rigidez estrutural macroscópica e da densidade mineral óssea decorrentes da perturbação nos parâmetros mecânicos ou biológicos do processo de remodelagem óssea.

Cláusulas restritivas de direitos fundamentais e o ônus argumentativo delas decorrente: o recurso ao sopesamento na dogmática de Alexy

As cláusulas restritivas de direitos fundamentais pertencem à perspectiva da norma, ao contrário das restrições que pertencem à perspectiva do direito. É comum nos depararmos no controle judicial de constitucionalidade das leis com o fenômeno das cláusulas restritivas, sobretudo, em casos versando sobre colisões de direitos fundamentais. Por se tratar de uma característica presente em muitas normas jurídicas, tanto no nível constitucional como no nível infraconstitucional, o recurso ao sopesamento, diante da carência argumentativa de outros métodos para lidar com essa problemática, tem se mostrado uma ferramenta eficaz. O objetivo deste trabalho é descobrir o quão eficaz é essa ferramenta e se a interpretação e aplicação dos direitos fundamentais só têm a ganhar em desenvoltura argumentativa quando ela é adotada em detrimento de outras alternativas. Para isso, é preciso saber como o sopesamento opera na justificação constitucional de normas de direito fundamental, especificamente em situações nas quais uma cláusula restritiva com a estrutura de princípio é inserida na formulação de uma norma com estrutura de regra ou vice-versa. Essa circunstância revela o duplo caráter das normas de direitos fundamentais, um fenômeno normativo pouco explorado, porém muito comum, cuja argumentação jurídica traz consigo uma série de dificuldades de congruência teórica. Explorar tais dificuldades constitui a essência do objeto desta pesquisa, pois compreendê-las é imprescindível à adequada satisfação do ônus argumentativo decorrente das cláusulas restritivas de direitos fundamentais. O argumento que pretendo defender, aqui, é o de que a prática argumentativa baseada isoladamente no raciocínio do sopesamento é incapaz de produzir uma resposta adequada a esse ônus argumentativo. No entanto, quando combinada com o raciocínio da subsunção, ela tem à sua disposição uma racionalidade jurídica que permite uma leitura correta das cláusulas restritivas de direitos fundamentais na formulação de normas de estrutura dúplice.

Análise crítica da distribuição dinâmica do ônus da prova

Nos últimos anos, a partir do surgimento da ideia de Estado Democrático de Direito, a moderna doutrina processualista passou a entender o processo não só como meio destinado à pacificação social, passando a encará-lo como mecanismo destinado a fazer valer garantias e direitos constitucionais e a alcançar a pacificação justa dos litígios. A partir deste novo contexto, verificou-se a limitação de alguns institutos processuais vigentes, que embora pudessem auxiliar na obtenção do escopo de pacificação, deixavam de resguardar ou de implementar, em alguns momentos, determinadas garantias constitucionais, o que prejudicava o fim último de acesso à ordem jurídica justa. Uma das limitações verificadas a partir da perspectiva publicista de processo corresponde à regra estática de distribuição dos encargos probatórios conforme a natureza dos fatos alegados, uma vez que esta deixava de observar eventual impossibilidade da parte em cumprir com seu encargo. Ante tal limitação, foi desenvolvida uma teoria destinada a reequilibrar a relação processual, assegurando a implementação das garantias constitucionais, quando a regra estática de distribuição dos encargos probatórios não se mostrava suficiente a assegurar o acesso à ordem jurídica justa. Denominada de distribuição dinâmica do ônus da prova (ou teoria das cargas probatórias dinâmicas) a teoria foi pensada a fim de, em tais situações e conforme as peculiaridades do caso concreto, determinar a redistribuição do encargo probatório a fim de que este recaia sobre as partes em melhores condições. Contudo, há grande divergência doutrinária sobre a viabilidade prática da distribuição dinâmica do ônus da prova, sendo apontados diversos problemas que podem decorrer de sua aplicação. O presente trabalho pretende contribuir com a análise do tema, a partir de um estudo sobre as razões que impuseram a criação do instituto, bem como as contribuições que sua implementação traz ao processo civil, encarado sobre a ótica de processo constitucional, e os riscos que podem decorrer de sua aplicação, de forma a verificar se existe viabilidade em sua aplicação e eventuais formas de se afastar os problemas apontados pelos críticos à teoria.

O papel do terceiro facilitador na conciliação de conflitos previdenciários

A conciliação judicial de conflitos previdenciários envolve, em geral, uma proposta de acordo baseada na renúncia pelo indivíduo de parte dos valores do benefício em atraso em um processo no qual a decisão contrária ao entendimento do Instituto Nacional do Segurado Social (INSS) é muito provável. Como regra, há um notório desequilíbrio de poder envolvendo, de um lado, um litigante ocasional (indivíduo) e, de outro, um litigante habitual (INSS). O presente trabalho pretende discutir qual o papel do terceiro facilitador nesse contexto, de modo a legitimar a prática existente e avançar para uma mudança de paradigma. Para tanto, parte-se da tese de que a conciliação deve ser adequada ao conflito que se pretende tratar, cabendo ao terceiro facilitador atuar de acordo com as peculiaridades desse conflito. Desse modo, propõe-se que, para o tratamento do conflito previdenciário, o conceito de conciliador deve ser entendido em termos amplos, abrangendo não apenas o conciliador leigo, mas também o juiz conciliador e o Judiciário como conciliador interinstitucional. Embora cada uma dessas atuações possua características próprias, sustenta-se que o ponto em comum é o respeito a um devido processo legal mínimo que possibilite a existência de uma base adequada de poder e que permita, assim, a tomada de uma decisão informada pelas partes. Dessa forma, a flexibilidade instrumental própria da conciliação não impediria o estabelecimento de parâmetros mínimos da atuação do conciliador. Por isso, tendo como limite a tomada de uma decisão informada, o conciliador atuaria por meio de estratégias variadas, aproximando-se e distanciando-se das partes, com maior ou menor interferência, de acordo com as características do caso apresentado. Conclui-se que, com a atuação conjunta e coordenada das diversas espécies de conciliador é possível aprimorar qualitativamente a conciliação de conflitos previdenciários.